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🇧🇩 BJP/RSS/Hindu Nationalism---A threat to Regional Security (1 Viewer)

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🇧🇩 BJP/RSS/Hindu Nationalism---A threat to Regional Security (1 Viewer)

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Saif

Senior Member
Jan 24, 2024
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A third term for Hindu nationalism?
by Dominik Müller | Published: 00:00, Apr 07,2024

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Farmers shout slogans during a protest demanding minimum crop prices, before departing for the Haryana-Punjab state border in Shambhu, from a railway station in Amritsar on March 30. — Agence France-Presse/Narinder Nanu

THE first states will start voting in India's general election on April 19. All votes are expected to be counted by June 4. The official line is that the economy is flourishing and growth has helped lift many Indians out of poverty.

Farmers and agricultural workers are not, however, among those who benefit from the policies of the Bharatiya Janata Party. In terms of numbers alone, they have a significant role to play: 44 per cent — just under half of India's population — lives off the primary sector, in other words mainly from agriculture, forestry and fishery. By comparison, the average for the European Union is just two per cent.

Just as they did in the run-up to the 2019 elections, many of the organisations and unions representing this group are currently protesting in New Delhi. Their demands include a minimum support price for their products. Contractual agriculture and powerful purchasers — above all supermarket chains — are pushing down prices for producers. 'If there was an MSP guarantee for our crops, we would have never fallen into debt', farmers explained at protests in Delhi in mid-March.

Debt is one of the principal factors driving farmers and agricultural workers to despair: according to official statistics, more than 10,000 of them take their own lives every year, and that number is rising.


Farmers' protests

THERE were also major farmers' protests before the 2019 elections to the Lok Sabha, India's lower house of parliament, which even included a 'no vote for the BJP' campaign. Even so, five years ago, the BJP managed to increase its vote share and its presence in the lower house despite the fact that it hadn't kept the manifesto promises it had previously made under the slogan 'Acche Din' — the good days are coming. Quite the opposite, in fact: without any notice, the government effectively devalued a large proportion of the cash circulating in India overnight, plunging above all the poorer members of society into great hardship.

The new goods and services tax system hit street vendors especially hard. After agriculture, street trading is the population's most important source of income. At that time, 600 million Indians were under the age of 25. The job-creation miracle they were promised also failed to materialise.

The BJP and its supporters above all used verbal and sometimes also physical attacks on the Muslim minority, which numbers more than 170 million Indians, to distract people from their responsibility for the social upheaval. After the 2019 election came the tightening of citizenship rights for Muslims in particular and, in 2020, the laying of the foundation stone for the Ram temple in Ayodhya.

Unemployment remains high — as does inflation — and investment is falling. Alongside South Africa, India is the country with the greatest income and wealth inequality in the world. But there is no mention of this in the BJP's current election campaign, which it launched with a nationalist religious event.

On 22 January 2024, prime minister Narendra Modi, dressed in a golden kurta like a high priest, led the consecration of the controversial Ram temple in Ayodhya in a formal ceremony. Many Hindus believe that the site of the temple is the birthplace of the revered deity Ram. In 1992, the destruction of the Babri mosque, which had previously stood on the site for five centuries, led to major unrest in which around 2,000 people died.


Ayodhya temple-mosque controversy


THE BJP kept the controversy over this piece of land simmering in the years that followed and turned it into an issue of national political significance. In 2019, the supreme court finally decided that Hindus had the right to build their temple on the disputed plot of land. Radical Hindu groups compared its significance to Mecca for Muslims or the Vatican for Christians. At the inauguration of the temple, which cost the equivalent of €200 million to build, Modi was accompanied by Hindu priests in a religious ceremony.

Thousands of guests watched the event in person, with hundreds of millions following the live broadcast online and on television. It was the 'beginning of a new era', Modi declared. 'Our Lord Ram has arrived after unprecedented patience, countless sacrifices, renunciations, and penance', he said, adding that the nation had risen 'above the mentality of slavery.' Modi and many of his followers regard Hindus as the victims of centuries of oppression by the Moghul rulers and Islam.

One of the richest parties in the world

TODAY, the BJP is one of the richest parties in the world — maybe even the richest. This has been partly brought about by a law passed in 2017 on the financing of political parties. The limit on cash donations to parties was reduced from the equivalent of €250 to €25 to combat corruption — so the official line went. Now, however, every citizen and every corporate body with a base in India, including foreign companies with a branch in the country, can give many times that amount to the party of their choice via the State Bank of India, by buying so-called 'electoral bonds.'

In March and April 2019 alone, in the run-up to the last election to the lower house, US$500 million came in via this route, almost exclusively for the BJP and in the form of major donations. In comparison, it took 13 years (between 2005 and 2018) for the 'big five; companies — Apple, Microsoft, Alphabet, Amazon and Facebook — to donate a similar amount to the US Congress. But unlike in the United States, donors in India remain anonymous. Only the State Bank of India and the government know who is buying bonds for which party. By February 2024, bonds worth a total of $2 billion had been purchased. By far the biggest beneficiary was the BJP.


On February 15, however, the supreme court ruled that this system went against the constitution, since anonymous electoral bonds violate the right to freedom of information. The sale of further bonds was prohibited.

Some observers regard the supreme court's judgement as a sign that an independent justice system is still alive and functioning. But Christophe Jaffrelot, professor of South Asian politics at Sciences Po in Paris and King's College London, who has been studying India for decades, cautions against overestimating this judgement. He points to the fact that many of the court's controversial decisions in recent years — including those relating to permission to build the temple in Ayodhya, the restriction of partial-autonomy status for the regions of Jammu and Kashmir, and the watering down of the freedom of information law — went entirely the BJP's way.

Petitions challenging the disputed new citizenship law have also been pending for four years. 'So, we really have a judiciary that is not what we used to remember', Jaffrelot said in an interview with the Indian news portal The Wire, adding that the Supreme Court of India had been 'the most powerful judiciary in the world and admired across the globe.'

Politicians like to call India the 'world's largest democracy', but if the BJP wins this election, it will continue reshaping the country into a Hindu state. And things are looking good for the BJP: no other party can compete with its financial resources. What's more, the BJP now controls all the important electronic media: NDTV, a broadcaster with high viewer figures that has been critical of the BJP, was taken over by the Adani Group in 2022. The billionaire Gautam Adani, whose corporation is the largest private company in the world running coal mines and coal-fired power stations, was one of Narendra Modi's earliest backers.


Opposition politician behind bars

IN ADDITION, one of the most important opposition leaders in the country is now behind bars. Arvind Kejriwal, leader of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP, the Common Man's Party), chief minister of the National Capital Territory of Delhi and the face of the one-time anti-corruption movement, was arrested on 21 March, accused by the financial crime agency, the Enforcement Directorate, of irregularities in the issuing of alcohol sale licences. On April 1, a court in India extended his judicial detention until April 15 at the earliest.

Until then, Kejriwal is not permitted to take part in any election campaign events. He is one of the most important spokespersons for the opposition alliance of 27 parties and organisations that have joined forces in opposition to the BJP.

The Aam Aadmi Party has denied all accusations, saying that Kejriwal faces trumped-up charges. For its part, the BJP denies exerting any influence on the ED. According to the Indian daily newspaper Indian Express, however, 95 per cent of the cases the ED has brought since the BJP came to power have targeted members of the opposition.

Qantara.de, April 6. Ruth Martin translated the piece from German.​
 

Saif

Senior Member
Jan 24, 2024
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What is Hindutva and will it cause another war in South Asia?
BY MERVE ŞEBNEM ORUÇ

Mahatma Gandhi was a nationalist. Yet, he was assassinated by a nationalist shortly after the partition of the sub-continent. Gandhi's nationalism was non-violent. He sought to free India from British colonial occupation. People all around the world have been inspired by his efforts for freedom, human rights and his patriotism.

On the other hand, his murderer, Nathuram Vinayak Godse, who had shot Gandhi three times in the chest, was a member of an organization called Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). The RSS, established in 1925, was and still is an extremist right-wing, Hindu nationalist and a volunteer paramilitary organization. It was banned after Gandhi's assassination. However, the far-right organization got directly involved in politics and founded a political party, Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS), the predecessor of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

In the 1930s and '40s, the BJS adopted the Hindu version of nationalism, which is similar to Adolf Hitler's Nazi Party or Benito Mussolini's Republican Fascist Party. The RSS, in the meantime, was like the Schutzstaffel (SS), the major paramilitary organization under Hitler and the Nazi Party in Nazi Germany, and later throughout German-occupied Europe during World War II.

The RSS still stands today and it is the world's largest voluntary organization; its political extension, the BJP party is the largest political party in the world. India's current Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who is the first prime minister outside of the Indian National Congress, is a member of the BJP and the RSS.

Imran Khan's speech at the U.N. General Assembly

That is why Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan warned the 74th U.N. General Assembly last week about the RSS and the BJP while trying to wake the whole world up, since India is planning to carry out a "bloodbath" in the occupied Jammu and Kashmir.

"All that I am saying can be verified. This is the time of information revolution. You can Google what I am saying," he told the U.N. Actually, I had googled the RSS, its ideology and its links to the BJP two days before he said it. I visited Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK), the Pakistan-controlled side of the disputed territory last week with a Turkish delegation of journalists and all the people I met with were talking about the RSS, its history and its ideology. I had heard about the RSS before, but it was my fault I didn't pay enough attention. What I saw in the AJK was that from the people on the street to the prime minister and president or the former fighters, they were aware of the fact that the RSS is now more powerful than ever.

The RSS' response to Imran Khan's speech was bold. The RSS leader, Krishna Gopal Sharma, said that they wanted the world to see India and the RSS as one and the same, not two separate entities, adding that Imran Khan has done the job very well and that is why they congratulate him.

India's illegal annexation of Jammu and Kashmir

While talking about Kashmir, the Pakistani prime minister said the Indian government is aiming to cause a genocide and ethnic cleansing in Jammu and Kashmir through curfews and other means. He also questioned whether the world would continue to watch what is happening in Kashmir or they will react just like they reacted to Hitler. His words were actually a response to the Indian government's decision to revoke Article 370 and to illegally annex Jammu and Kashmir.

Soon after Imran Khan's speech at the General Assembly, hundreds of Kashmiris came out of their homes shouting slogans in support of him and celebrating with firecrackers, and they called for the independence of their occupied lands. At least six Kashmiri youth were killed by Indian forces that day as India tightened restrictions, fearing demonstrations after Imran Khan's speech.

On Aug. 5, India had revoked Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, which granted Kashmir special status and put Indian occupied Jammu and Kashmir under total lockdown. Although India eased the curfew this week, which had been ongoing for 56 days in Jammu and Kashmir, along with severe restrictions in the region, no political figures have been released yet, and the internet, mobile phones and other connection methods are still blocked.

Article 370, along with Article 35A, established special status for the disputed territory and defined a separate set of laws for the Kashmiri people in occupied Jammu and Kashmir. They include limited citizenship, ownership of property and fundamental rights of the current residents of Jammu and Kashmir, which are critical for a plebiscite under the U.N.'s auspices.

In 2014, Modi vowed to integrate the state of Jammu and Kashmir into India as part of his party's propaganda for the general elections. The BJP, along with its parent organization RSS, attempted for the abrogation of Article 370 after the election. On April 3, 2018, the Supreme Court of India declared that Article 370 had acquired permanent status. However, in 2019, as part of the BJP's election promise for the next general elections, Modi once again pledged to integrate the state of Jammu and Kashmir into India. Hence on Aug. 5, India revoked Article 370 and illegally annexed Jammu and Kashmir through a series of far-reaching measures.

Gandhi's murderer, Godse, killed him since he considered that Gandhi was making concessions to Muslims. In his court deposition, Godse said he was upset with Gandhi's actions and willingness to ignore non-Muslim interests. He added that Gandhi was reading passages from the Quran despite Hindus protesting it and that is why he wanted to show that a Hindu, too, could be intolerant. Two months before he was assassinated by the Hindu fanatic Godse, Gandhi had said "Kashmir cannot be saved by the Maharaja. If anyone can save Kashmir, it is only the Muslims, the Kashmiri Pandits the Rajputs and the Sikhs who can do so." In the last seven decades since then, Kashmir has never seen a bright day; it floated from one crisis to another.

During his U.N. General Assembly speech, Pakistan's Prime Minister told the audience how the racist ideology of the RSS founders Savarkar and Golwalkar led to the assassination of Gandhi, adding that this hate-inspired Modi and his RSS backers do a pogrom against Muslims in Gujarat in 2002 when he was chief minister of the Indian state in question.

Describing the RSS ideology, Khan said: "They believed in racial purity, racial superiority. They also believed they were an Aryan race like the Nazis believed they were an Aryan race."

As he said, the founding fathers of the Hindu-nationalist RSS believed in the "racial superiority of the Hindu race" over Muslims and Christians in India.

The RSS political philosophy is based on the principles of "Hindutva" that means the supremacy of a religious-ethnic Hindu state and implementation of hardcore Hindu principles. Hindutva is not Hinduism, but "Hindudom." Savarkar's motto was "Hinduizing all politics and militarizing Hindudom." In that sense, the model state for the Hindutvas was Nazi Germany. But they also do today is the same what Israel does to Palestinians or China does to Uighur Turks.

That said it is an oppressive and extremist ideology of imposing the supremacy of Hindus over the millions of people of other religions such as Islam, Christianity, Buddhism and Zoroastrianism as well as other minorities. It is also a threat to Sikhism. Today, in India, around 200 million Muslims, 30 million Christians and other minorities are treated as second-class people.

Golwalkar, the RSS's second Sarsanghchalak (Supreme Leader), said in his book "Bunch of Thought," which focused on Hindu nationalism, "[Nazi] Germany has also shown how well-nigh impossible it is for races and cultures, having differences going to the root, to be assimilated into one united whole, a good lesson for us in Hindusthan to learn and profit by."

The possibility of a war in South Asia

As we know, Modi's first term as prime minister marked years of increasing lynching of Muslims, Christians and other minorities by far-right Hindu mobs. Since his second term started, almost every day, we see the same violence on the streets of India. Besides, there is increased Hindu violence against the Kashmiris in the Indian-occupied Kashmir.

During our visit to Kashmir, the common comments that we heard was that the RSS ideology inspired India would not be satisfied with the illegal annexation of Kashmir, and if the world continues to be deaf and blind, India will try to invade Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal in line with its "Greater India" dream.

Because Pakistan and India are two nuclear powers, experts have already begun to calculate the effects of a possible war in Pakistan such as how many million people will die and how many billion people will suffer in the aftermath. Pakistan is, therefore, trying to mobilize the international community and persistently using diplomacy; but as India gets bolder, the risks increase day by day.

The Kashmiri I met say that they will fight in 2020, as they cannot stand the oppression of India anymore. The commanders on the Line of Control (LOC) between Azad Jammu and Kashmir and Indian occupied Jammu and Kashmir also say that the war is inevitable if India continues like this.

Let me conclude the article with the words of Pakistan President Arif Alvi's words that he uttered during our meeting in Islamabad: "Pakistan will not start a war. But if India resorts to war, Pakistan will not hesitate to fight." Warning that such a military confrontation might lead to nuclear confrontation recalling Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Alvi underlined that its repercussions go beyond control.​
 

Saif

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Jan 24, 2024
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745




The Rise of Hindu Nationalism and Its Regional and Global Ramifications


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Source: Digital illustration by Willa Davis, based on a photo found on the Independent website at Hindu nationalists are gaining power in India - and silencing enemies.

European powers gained interest in the Indian subcontinent by the late fifteenth century. Competing powers, including the Dutch, French, Portuguese, and British, sought to control valuable resources and trade routes centered around spices, textiles, and tea. The British ultimately established their dominance in the subcontinent when British crown rule was formally declared in 1858 following a protracted nationalist uprising known as the Sepoy mutiny. The next ninety years would be especially turbulent for India and the world.

India's largest political party, the Indian National Congress (INC), was founded shortly after 1885. The party was central to the eventual independence movement. Although the ideology was not clearly defined from the beginning, World War I seemed to be a key turning point. India volunteered over 1.5 million troops to British war efforts, which ultimately led to more than 45,000 casualties and near-bankruptcy for India. Some leaders hoped Indian war efforts would lead to increased sovereignty from the British, but that was not the case. Post-World War I angst helped transform the INC into a leading independence movement that included both prominent Muslim and Hindu voices. Jawaharlal Nehru, Mohandas Gandhi, and Muhammad Ali Jinnah were some of the key figures. Gandhi returned to India in 1915 after a short stay in South Africa following his law school graduation. His experience with racism as a new lawyer transformed his outlook and inspired him to return home to India and promote independence via peaceful resolution. Likewise, Nehru, a self-proclaimed nationalist, was also a British-educated lawyer and returned to India after completing his education. Jinnah, a Muslim and recently graduated British-educated lawyer, worked at the Bombay High Court and emphasized Hindu–Muslim unity.

Shortly after the end of World War I, growing tensions and riots between Hindus and Muslims created a sense of unease among the Muslim minority. Ideological and political differences between the groups had risen to alarming heights, as both religious groups sought to gain political and geographical representation. Amid the growing tensions, the INC firmly declared its commitment to secularism and the Gandhian idea of Satyagraha (peaceful civil disobedience). This political strategy was intended to be inclusive, but it left some Muslims, specifically the leaders of the All India Muslim League, disillusioned. Jinnah considered Satyagraha to be political anarchy.1 Until this point, Muslims and Hindus had been relatively united under the banner of independence, as demonstrated by the 1916 Lucknow Pact agreeing to establish quotas guaranteeing representation of Muslims and other minorities in public offices. That unity quickly started to dissipate when Jinnah resigned from the INC, citing his disagreement with Satyagraha as a strategy. Jinnah withdrew from politics for the next decade, only deciding to return after the election of 1937, after the Muslim League gained only 6.7 percent of votes and failed to win the majority in any province, including those with a Muslim majority. This event was transformational for Jinnah and overturned his long-held belief that Muslims could be protected in a majority Hindu country. Jinnah's new political strategy was to promote a two-state solution, one for Muslims and one for Hindus. This new political strategy coincided with an awakening of Jinnah's own Muslim identity, a shift away from his earlier sense of broad secularism.2

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Muslim League leaders (Jinnah, center, front row) after a dinner party given at the residence of Mian Bashir Ahmad, Lahore, 1940. Source: Wikimedia Commons at https://tinyurl.com/yamltl4c.


Calls for independence amplified during and shortly after World War II as Indian soldiers again entered a world war fighting on behalf of the British. The Congress Party demonstrated its disapproval by initiating a campaign of civil disobedience against the British. Both Gandhi and Nehru were eventually arrested for their displays of opposition. During their incarceration, Jinnah nearly consolidated support from the Muslim community, identifying himself as the fierce protector of Muslims in the subcontinent. As World War II came to an end, riots and interreligious violence between Hindus and Muslims was occurring at alarming rates. Public animosity between Gandhi and Jinnah, in addition to inflammatory speeches by regional politicians, further inflamed communal tensions. Muslims and Hindus fought to control neighborhoods that had historically been religiously diverse. The future was increasingly unclear, and each side held the other responsible for the uncertainty.

Ultimately, estimates suggest that one to two million people perished from violence or illness during the Partition.

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1947 Partition of India. Source: Wikimedia Commons at File:Partition of India 1947 en.svg - Wikimedia Commons.

Exhausted from World War II, the British were ready to withdraw their personnel. In 1946, one year after the war ended, nationwide elections were held with both the Muslim League, led by Jinnah, and the INC, led by Nehru, on the ballots. Compared to 1937, the Muslim League did substantially better, winning the vast majority, 90 percent, of Muslim districts. Jinnah took this result to mean widespread support for his call for a separate Muslim homeland.3 On August 14th, 1947, the birth of Pakistan (the "land of the pure") was announced, and a partition line splitting the subcontinent into two was hastily drawn by Sir Cyril Radcliffe, a British bureaucrat with limited background knowledge of India. Radcliffe and his British cabinet mission divided the Indian provinces on the basis of their religious makeup; the Hindu majority states in the middle would become India and the two noncontiguous Muslim majority provinces on each side of India would become East and West Pakistan. What followed was the largest known movement of humankind, around fifteen million people, as Hindus from Pakistan relocated to India, and Muslims from India to Pakistan. Limited oversight by the withdrawing British forces and a chaotic new independent government were unable to oversee the migration and provide ample security. Increased religious tensions and poor execution of the Partition led to widespread violence among the migrants. Ultimately, estimates suggest that one to two million people perished from violence or illness during the Partition. Following the bloody Partition and legacy of communal violence, the newly independent government of India, led by Nehru and the INC, was determined to enshrine secular and socialist principles in its Constitution. On January 26th, 1948, India adopted its Constitution, declaring India a secular state. The INC wanted to ensure that the bloody historical legacy between Muslims and Hindus would not become a regular feature of Indian society. India's secular identity separated itself from Pakistan's religious- based identity. Unfortunately, the Partition failed to resolve tensions between Hindus and Muslims. By October 1947, India and Pakistan were already at war with one another over the state of Kashmir.

Kashmir

Upon independence, there were 565 princely states throughout India. Princely states were independent polities and not formally considered part of British India. Following the Partition, princely states were given the decision to select which country to join. For most princely states, this was a simple decision; Muslim-majority states in close proximity to Pakistan joined Pakistan, while Hindu states joined India. One leader, Maharaja Hari Singh, had difficulty deciding which side to join. Singh was a Hindu leader of the primarily Muslim state of Kashmir. Before he could make his decision, Pakistani and tribal forces attacked and occupied the princely state. The maharaja turned to India for help. India agreed to intervene on the condition that Singh sign an instrument of accession agreeing to cede Kashmir to India. The maharaja agreed, but the conflict continued until both parties went to the UN to resolve the conflict in April 1948. Both parties agreed to the resolution (Resolution 47), and eventually, a line of control was adopted, with India gaining two-thirds of Kashmir's territory (India-occupied Kashmir) and Pakistan obtaining one-third of the territory (Pakistan-occupied Kashmir). The resolution included several conditions, including withdrawal of Pakistani forces, a reduction in Indian military presence, and an eventual plebiscite allowing Kashmiris to vote on the issue. Although both sides had objections, India and Pakistan agreed to the resolution and brought an end to the war. Despite the original agreement, the Kashmir conflict continued to be a defining issue between the two countries in the following decades. Since the initial 1947–1948 war, three additional wars have been fought over the territory, with no clear resolution in sight.

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Source: World Politics News website at 29 September 2016.

Kashmir remains a central issue for distinct reasons that reflect the founding philosophy of both countries. To Pakistan, a Muslim-majority province should be governed by a country founded as a Muslim homeland in the Indian subcontinent. To India, governing a Muslim-majority region solidifies its identity as a secular and multicultural state, and honoring the initial wishes of Singh. These conflicts are further amplified by the rise of Hindu nationalism in India and Islamic extremism in Pakistan, with both sides claiming Kashmir as an integral part of their homeland.

The Rise of Hindu Nationalism

Although Kashmir was a defining issue between India and Pakistan and Hindu and Muslims, the two-state solution failed to resolve internal tensions. Despite India's constitutional foundation as secular, strict adherence to Hindu and Islamic identities rose in popularity, specifically in the 1990s. Riots between the groups, in addition to Sikhs and Christians, occurred throughout the country from independence onward. The Kashmir conflict seemed to exacerbate the tensions. During this time, the ideology of Hindutva, a political movement embracing Hindu fundamentalism and identity, gained prominence. Likewise, Islamic extremism, within Kashmir and throughout India and Pakistan, also gained popularity.

The INC remained the primary party in power and maintained its commitment to secularism as a central tenant for nearly half a century. No party could gain enough power to challenge the INC until the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). The BJP's central philosophy centers on Hindu nationalism. From 1947 to 2000, the INC held the majority of seats in parliament, with the exceptions of 1977–1979 and 1996–1999, when the BJP gained a majority of votes. The increasing popularity of the BJP was not coincidental and occurred alongside increasing tensions between Hindus and Muslims, as detailed below.

Just as Mumbai was recovering from the 1993 riots, it experienced the worst terrorist attack in its fifty-year history. A series of car bombs detonated throughout the city and left 257 dead and over 1,000 injured. The attacks were believed to be coordinated by Muslims involved in the Indian criminal underworld. Following the attacks, Hindu militant groups such as the VHP and the Shiv Sena rose in popularity to fight what they believed was a growing assault on Hindu values. As more Hindus feared terrorism at the hands of Islamic extremism, they began to reevaluate the constitutional enshrinement of secularism.

In 1996, the first election since the 1993 riots, the BJP won a majority of seats in the parliament for the first time. The BJP ran on a platform of Hindu nationalism and pushed for the banning of cow slaughter, a meat eaten by Muslims, as well as reclaimed Kashmir as fully Indian.4 The BJP continued to gain in popularity at the national and state levels, as well. In the state of Gujarat, a key figure named Narendra Modi took office as the chief minister in 2001. Because he grew up impoverished and from a low caste, Modi was an inspirational figure to many Hindus and low caste members. Modi is a lifelong member of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), an ultraconservative Hindu organization devoted to preserving and restoring Hindu identity in India, particularly through the establishment of a Hindu state. The RSS, the radical Shiv Sena, and VHP remain closely tied. Many members of these organizations become leaders in the BJP.

In 2002, Modi's name would be brought to national and international prominence when a new set of Hindu–Muslim riots occurred in the state of Gujarat. As a train of Hindu pilgrims was returning from Ayodhya, it was attacked and burned by a mob of 1,000–2,000 villagers that were believed to be Muslim. Sixty pilgrims died in the attack. The train attack led to widescale riots in Gujarat. What made these riots so controversial was the response by the BJP government and Modi. Human rights organizations and scholars have claimed the BJP was complicit in the riots and failed to respond appropriately; some scholars have even called it pogroms, or "ethnic cleansing."5 Over 2,000 people, the majority Muslim, were killed in subsequent rioting. Another 150,000 were displaced and ended up in refugee camps. In 2005, Modi's ties to the riots led the United States to deny him a diplomatic visa and revoke his existing visa. Modi was the first official to ever be denied entry under the International Religious Freedom Act, which prevents US entry of a foreign government official responsible for violations of religious freedom.6 An investigation by a Supreme Court-appointed panel in 2012 ultimately found Modi's actions not to be prosecutable; however, the report still found Modi to have a discriminatory attitude that justified the killing of innocents.

The controversy surrounding Modi's role in the riots ultimately did not tarnish his reputation in the eyes of the BJP. The BJP named Modi as their candidate for prime minister in 2013. Throughout the campaign in the following year, Modi attempted to distance himself from the Hindutva rhetoric he relied on in the past, invoking secularist language reminiscent of Nehru. Instead, the primary focus shifted to Gujarat's rapid economic development under Modi. However, the BJP as a whole still invoked nationalist rhetoric, including leaders calling for Muslim eviction from Hindu areas and for critics of Modi to move to Pakistan. Cow slaughter ban proposals remained on the agenda, and Modi would not condemn these remarks in his campaign. He also refused to apologize for the government response to the 2002 riots when asked if he was sorry.7 Modi and the BJP went on to win an astounding majority in parliament, gaining 166 seats while the INC lost 162 seats, its worst defeat since independence. In 2014, Modi not only received a US visa, he was also welcomed by President Barack Obama at the White House and by 20,000 supporters at a Madison Square Garden rally.

The saffronization of India was well underway by 2014. Just as Hindu priests wear saffron robes, Hindu nationalists also adorn the color to signify their political and religious convictions. In the 2014 election, nearly every single district in northern and western India was won by the BJP. On the streets, vigilante Hindu groups such as the Bajrang Dal and VHP patrol neighborhoods throughout India with the intent of enforcing Hindu moral codes. Tactics utilized by this group include stopping trucks with cows being led to slaughter and beating or killing the driver, harassing couples for celebrating Western holidays such as Valentine's Day, or attacking women for being dressed too liberally.8 Modi continued to distance himself from his ties to the RSS and other radical Hindu groups in his public speeches, but the BJP policies and leadership selection demonstrate that the party refuses to uphold secular values. Modi also published books during the campaign highlighting the lives and contributions of RSS members.

Perhaps the clearest indicator of the BJP's ties to radical Hindu identity occurred in January 2017. At that time, the BJP selected Yogi Adityanath as the chief minister (governor) of Uttar Pradesh, India's most populous state and home to the Babri Masjid ruins. Yogi Adityanath is an Indian monk and founder of the Hindu extremist militant group Hindu Yuva Vahini. The Hindu Yuva Vahini has participated in many concentrated efforts, including public cow protection campaigns, fights against Hindu–Muslim marriages, and Ghar Wapsi, mass conversions of Christians and Muslims to Hinduism.9 Adityanath has a long association of calls for violence against Muslim communities, including a call to kill 100 Muslims for every Hindu killed.10 The appointment of a radical religious leader as the chief minister of the largest state in India signals the BJP's intent to move away from the secular roots of the country, as well as tacit endorsement of violent strategies against minority communities.

Broader Implications Ethnic and religious violence is an unfortunately common experience throughout much of the world. However, the shift toward Hindu nationalism over the past few decades has potential security implications beyond domestic politics. For one, both India and Pakistan became nuclear states in 1998. Although India had been developing nuclear weapons since the 1970s, its 1998 test occurred under the direction of the newly elected BJP government. Shortly after, Pakistan responded with its own nuclear test. The tests resulted in international sanctions against both countries, but it did not eliminate the nuclear programs.11 By 1999, both states were engaged in another war in Kashmir, after Pakistani forces infiltrated the Line of Control. Known as the Kargil conflict, this standoff was the first instance of direct conventional warfare between two nuclear states, and perhaps the closest the world has come to nuclear warfare.

The rise of Hindu nationalism and BJP's prominence has profound potential ramifications for India's relationship with a nuclear-armed Pakistan. It is already evident that Hindu nationalists take a much more hard-line approach when it comes to security, especially as it relates to Muslims or Pakistan. This can increase the likelihood of conflict initiation between Pakistan and India, most likely in Kashmir. One particularly concerning stance is the view from both Pakistan and India on first-strike utilization. Generally, nuclear powers hold to the norm of only using nuclear weapons in response to a first strike, which results in what is traditionally referred to as mutually assured destruction (MAD).12 Because both sides know the other will retaliate, it prevents the other side from utilizing the weapons. Pakistan has always gone against this norm by maintaining that it will consider a first-use policy of nuclear weapons. In contrast, India has generally held that it will only utilize nuclear weapons on a second-strike, or retaliatory, basis. However, since the election of Modi, that stance appears to be shifting. In their 2014 election manifesto, the BJP said it is studying, revising, and reconsidering its nuclear program. The BJP also blamed the INC for scaling back the nuclear gains made under the 1999 BJP government. Under the INC, the nuclear program had shifted toward civilian energy, rather than defense-related expenditures. While the intent of the manifesto is not entirely clear, many nuclear scholars suggest that the language is a noticeable hard-line shift in Indian foreign policy.13 The BJP further redefined what "first use" means, claiming that the other side has initiated a response if they assemble, not just launch, their nuclear weapons. With two nuclear powers willing to use first strike, it substantially increases the chances of miscalculation. With a history of repeated conflict over a territory, including when both countries had weapons, it signals that nuclear deterrence may not be as effective in the Indian subcontinent.

The rise of Hindu nationalism also changes the dynamics of international relationships. Nehru's foreign policy during the Cold War was nonalignment and heavy investment in international institutions, like the UN. At the end of the Cold War, India still maintained its distance from the US, forming military alliances with other countries. The United States developed closer relationships with Pakistan and China. In 2009, as part of Obama's pivot to Asia strategy, India and the US began developing closer ties, including the US advocating for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council for India. The pivot to Asia and friendlier relations with India was mostly part of the US interest in counterbalancing a growing regional and global threat from China.

A more interesting development in the US–India relationship occurred in 2016 during the US election. Hindu nationalist parties began rallying behind Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump. The groups were invigorated by what they perceived as Trump's hard-line stance on Muslim immigration and terrorism. Shiv Sena, the VHP, and other Hindu nationalist parties held large public prayer ceremonies for Trump.14 During election season, Trump became aware of his growing popularity among certain segments of the Indian population and used it in his campaign. Perhaps most interesting is the use of a Trump campaign ad by Shalabh Kumar, Chairman of the Trump campaign's Indian American Advisory Council, appealing to American Hindus. Hindu symbology and music were used within the ad, and it concluded with Trump speaking in Hindi saying, "Ab ki baar, Trump sarkar," meaning, "Next time, there will be a Trump government."15 The slogan holds little meaning once translated, but the usage of it was significant because it was the same slogan Modi used in his 2014 campaign.

Trump's support of Hindu nationalists may also be an attempt to check Islamic extremism in Pakistan. To India, Trump's rhetoric and ties to Hindu nationalists can be seen as tacit support for a hard-line approach toward Pakistan. In late December 2017, Trump announced a plan to withhold military aid to Pakistan due to Pakistan providing a safe haven for terrorists. This announcement was applauded by India and marks a significant shift following decades of US military and economic support for Pakistan.

Hindu Nationalism: The Future?

The potential impact of Hindu nationalism does not necessarily end at India's borders. Many Hindu nationalists believe that a proper map of India would include Nepal, Bhutan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Bangladesh.16 Hindu nationalists have even undertaken a campaign to rewrite Indian textbooks to change the maps to reflect what they believe are proper borders. It is unclear at present, but if this sentiment does result in a future expansionist foreign policy, India will be more likely to engage in conflict with Pakistan, other neighbors, and even possibly China. The Constitution of India still enshrines secularism, but the trend for the past three decades indicates it is moving toward Hindu nationalism. Nehru's commitment to secularism was his declaration that India could be a peaceful, multireligious state. Jinnah maintained his doubts. With the increasing popularity and success of the Hindu Nationalist Party, we will soon know whether Jinnah was correct. ■​
 

Saif

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Jan 24, 2024
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The Powerful Group Shaping The Rise Of Hindu Nationalism In India
MAY 3, 201910:39 AM ET
By Lauren Frayer, Furkan Latif Khan

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Members of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, or RSS, stand at attention and salute a saffron-orange flag at a morning shakha, or drill session, in a park in suburban Mumbai, India.
Lauren Frayer/NPR

Before dawn, men gather in a suburban Mumbai park to play team-building games, meditate, chant Sanskrit mantras from Hindu scripture and salute a saffron-orange flag — the color, sacred to Hindus, of robes worn by Hindu monks.

There are potbellied, middle-aged dads, retirees and a young boy in a soccer jersey and no shoes — all members of a local cell of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. It's part of a vast all-male network that runs Hindu catechism classes, yoga sessions and these morning drill sessions, called shakhas. The idea is to celebrate more than 5,000 years of Hindu culture.

"We recite the names of great people — sons and daughters of India — right from the ancient times to modern India," explains Ratan Sharda, 64, who has been an RSS member since childhood. "See, we have forgotten our history. We have forgotten the great deeds our people have done."

Sharda believes that centuries of non-Hindu rule — British colonialism and the Mughal Empire before that — have left Indians without a strong sense of their culture and heritage. The RSS, he says, helps supplement their knowledge.

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Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi delivers an address on Independence Day in New Delhi on Aug. 15, 2017.
Prakash Singh/AFP/Getty Images

But it's not simply a celebration of Hindu culture. The RSS also runs summer camps, where volunteers train with rifles, and a political wing, the Bharatiya Janata Party, whose candidates now hold the highest offices in the land. Prime Minister Narendra Modi is a longtime RSS member, and the group's influence is apparent in his Hindu nationalist policies.

The RSS, founded nearly 100 years ago, has profoundly shaped Indian society and politics — and Modi himself. As he runs for a second term, the RSS' influence is more apparent than ever — something that alarms members of India's religious minorities and those who believe in the country's secular basis, who accuse the RSS of chauvinism and fostering intolerance and hate.

When Indians won their freedom from British rule in 1947, they established a pluralistic democracy based on secular principles, embracing their diversity. But the RSS' goal is to redefine India according to its majority Hindu faith.

Promoting a "Hindu nation"

Led since 2009 by longtime stalwart Mohan Bhagwat, the RSS is India's most prominent proponent of Hindutva — Hindu-ness and the idea that India should be a "Hindu nation." About 80 percent of India's 1.4 billion people are Hindus, but there are also millions of Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains. The constitution defines India as a secular country. (The word "secular" was actually a late addition to the document's preamble, in 1976, though many of the constitution's original articles embody secular values).

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RSS members sit in formation as they listen to instructions at a rally in Pune in 2016.
Indranil Mukherjee/AFP/Getty Images

The RSS and many of its members want to change that. The group's mission statement describes it as "firmly rooted in genuine nationalism" and decries an "erosion of the nation's integrity in the name of secularism" and "endless appeasement of the Muslim population."

"The Hindus have been treated as second-order citizens by successive governments," it says. "Expressed in the simplest terms, the ideal of the [RSS] is to carry the nation to the pinnacle of glory, through organising the entire society and ensuring protection of Hindu Dharma." (Dharma is a Sanskrit word used to describe Hindu religion, its culture and its entire worldview and system of living.)

India Is Changing Some Cities' Names, And Muslims Fear Their Heritage Is Being Erased

Today, many members interpret that as a mission to bring Hindu scripture into Indian law and strip Indian Muslims of equal rights, or even expel them.

In 1925, when the RSS was founded, India was under British rule. The group was started by a doctor named Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, a contemporary of Mohandas Gandhi, who was agitating for independence. Where Gandhi preached nonviolence, the RSS emphasized military discipline and Hindu scripture. Hedgewar was critical of the diversity and political hierarchy of India's main independence movement, the Indian National Congress, or Congress party, and he wanted RSS members to be uniform, equal volunteers.

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RSS member Nathuram Godse (seated in white top at far right) at his trial in 1948 for the assassination of Mohandas Gandhi. He was found guilty and executed, and the RSS was briefly banned thereafter.
Fox Photos/Getty Images

The RSS started with 17 members in the living room of Hedgewar's family home in the central Indian city of Nagpur. Now it claims to be the world's biggest volunteer group, with a membership across India of at least 5 million. That's still a small fraction of India's 1.4 billion people. The group does not publicize its annual budget but says all its funds come from private donations. Membership is free, and people can join by filling out a form online.

Hedgewar's house is now a museum with exhibits about his life and the history of the RSS. But it leaves out some key details, like how the group initially opposed the idea of a secular state and how an early leader, M.S. Golwalkar, referred to Christians and Muslims as "internal threats" and praised Nazi Germany as an example of "race pride" from which India could learn. In 2006, the RSS tried to distance itself from Golwalkar's writings, saying it no longer agreed with some of them.

Gandhi's killer

There's also no mention at the museum of the most infamous RSS member: Gandhi's assassin.

Nathuram Godse was a Hindu extremist who disagreed with Gandhi's efforts to reconcile Hindus and Muslims. The RSS acknowledges he was a member, but it considers him an extremist rogue who had distanced himself from the group by the time of Gandhi's killing. Others, including some of Godse's own relatives, say he never left.

On Jan. 30, 1948 — only months after India had won its freedom from British rule — Godse shot the 78-year-old freedom leader three times at point-blank range as Gandhi was on his way to pray in New Delhi.

Godse was arrested, and the Indian government swiftly banned the RSS. Members went to jail, and angry mobs attacked their homes.

"My grandfather's house was burned," says Sameer Gautam, 44, an RSS member in Nagpur who comes from a long line of RSS men. "My grandmother was alone, because my grandfather was jailed — and he might not have even known Godse! He might not have ever seen Godse!"

Godse was convicted of Gandhi's murder and was hanged. But in July 1949, the government lifted the RSS ban. An official investigation later absolved the RSS of any involvement in Gandhi's death.

"We had absolutely no idea of their reach"

In the decades since, the RSS has rebounded and become more assertive. It has dozens of affiliates representing women, youth and students, all loosely linked under an RSS umbrella of Hindu nationalist organizations. It also runs thousands of schools across India. Its affiliates hold shakhas, the morning marching-and-meditation sessions, in dozens of other countries, including the United States.

Nearly 27 Years After Hindu Mob Destroyed A Mosque, The Scars In India Remain Deep

The RSS gained prominence in the 1980s by calling for a Hindu temple to be built in Ayodhya, in northern India. A 16th-century mosque sat on the same spot where Hindu faithful believe the Hindu god Ram was born. In 1992, Hindu activists destroyed the Babri mosque. Thousands of people, mostly Muslims, were killed in riots afterward. It was a shock for many Indians who hadn't realized the extent of the RSS' reach.

"We knew of the RSS vaguely. We knew that they were very anti-Muslim and anti-Christian — and that they were banned after Gandhi's assassination," says Tanika Sarkar, a retired professor of history at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi. "We knew all that. But we didn't put everything together."

Sarkar says she and many other scholars underestimated the RSS and its ability to mobilize members around sectarian issues.

"We had absolutely no idea of their reach, of the ground-level organization," Sarkar says. "They do some good also! They provide schools in remote areas. But along with literacy, they also teach this kind of vicious ethnic hatred."

"To be Indian, in the deepest sense, you should be Hindu"

For about half a century, Indian politics were dominated by the Congress party, which helped win independence from the British and write the Indian Constitution. University campuses were filled with left-wing, Marxist and secular groups until the late 1990s, when Hindu nationalist groups, some of them affiliated with the RSS, started cropping up.

"Secularism suddenly went out of the window," says Vikas Pathak, 42, who joined the RSS student wing at his college in 1997.

Pathak says he felt a change on campus, with left-wing secular groups losing support and Hindu nationalist ones gaining sympathy. It was gradual, but by the late 1990s, he no longer felt like his was a minority political view. And he says it wasn't just his campus in New Delhi that he sensed had changed. It was the entire country. He realized then that Hindu nationalism had gone mainstream, thanks in part to the Ayodhya temple controversy. Bharatiya Janata Party governments were elected in 1996 and 1998.

"The word 'secular' isn't even used much anymore," he says, referring to the BJP's brand of Hindu nationalism, which shuns the secularism of left-wing parties like Congress.

What attracted him to the RSS affiliate, Pathak says, was what he calls "cultural nationalism."

"To be Indian, in the deepest sense, you should be Hindu," he describes his thinking at the time.

A decade later, Pathak left the group to work as a journalist and media teacher. He says he felt like he had to leave the RSS to be able to study and write about it objectively. He's also critical of it nowadays, calling the RSS' approach to Hinduism "aggressive" and less tolerant of differing viewpoints.

"A Boy Scouts organization that seeks to run the country"

In recent years, the RSS has poured itself into electoral politics.

"It started, for the first 50 to 60 years, as [pushing for] moral change, remaking the personhood of the Hindu," says Pradip Kumar Datta, a historian and political scientist at Jawaharlal Nehru University. "But now, it is what we might call a Boy Scouts organization that seeks to run the country."

It does that today, Datta says, primarily through the Bharatiya Janata Party, Modi's party. The prime minister, the president and most of those in India's Cabinet are RSS members. Modi joined when he was young.

The RSS campaigned for his 2001 election as chief minister of Gujarat state, Datta says.

With Indian Elections Underway, The Vote Is Also A Referendum On Hindu Nationalism

The RSS helped shape Modi, and he still consults it on policy matters.

Until July 2015, the RSS had kept a distance from day-to-day politics, preferring to be seen as a moral force rather than a political one. But that month, Modi, in office for just over a year, decided to attend an RSS conclave in New Delhi. He told the crowd he was proud to be swayamsevak, an RSS member, according to Indian news accounts.

"The prime minister and senior ministers went there to report on their policies and to get the RSS' views on policy. So that was a very overt meeting," says Neerja Chowdhury, a political commentator and columnist. "You also have the economic wing of the RSS, its leaders, going to see the finance minister of India before the budget is formulated."

The RSS' influence can now be seen in national policies affecting everything from education to commerce and food. It helps shape India's public school curriculum, which, in some BJP-led states, teaches Hindu scripture as historical fact. Through its affiliates, it has been able to scuttle legislation it doesn't like. And it pressures the Indian government to be more protectionist when it comes to big multinational companies entering the country.

New e-commerce rules that took effect during the winter limit the scope of business that big multinational companies like Amazon and Walmart can conduct online in India. The rules reflect RSS views, and the group reportedly wrote to Modi, urging him to not give in to pressure from Washington to ease them. Walmart has a subsidiary in India, with stores in several states, and bought a $16 billion controlling stake in the Indian e-commerce giant Flipkart.

"The RSS is much more for the development of indigenous industry, domestic industry — and against multinationals coming in, foreign direct investment coming in," Chowdhury says. "Their model is much more rooted in the Indian soil."

The RSS also opposes some privatization of state assets, including the national airline. Modi's government has long planned to sell off part of Air India, but the deal has been stalled for months. An RSS-affiliated trade union opposes it, and the RSS' chief was quoted as saying that if Air India is sold, it should be run by an Indian firm, not a foreign airline.

Minorities' concerns

That the RSS has been able to wield such great influence in India, with an ideology that's often at odds with the secularism enshrined in India's constitution, worries some of India's religious minorities — particularly Christians and Muslims, for whom RSS leaders have reserved their harshest views. By contrast, the RSS has described other religious minorities — Sikhs, Jains, Buddhists — as part of India, because their faiths originated there.

More than 14 percent of Indians are Muslim. They're the largest religious minority, making up the fastest-growing major religion in India. For more than three centuries of the Mughal Empire, India had Muslim rulers who left a rich heritage of art, nomenclature and architecture, including India's most famous landmark, the Taj Mahal.

But some RSS members don't recognize that. They call today's Indian Muslims "invaders" because their ancestors may have come from abroad. Some believe that deep down, India's Muslims are actually Hindus because their Hindu ancestors may, on the other hand, have been forced to convert to Islam.

"They want to erase our Muslim history and identity," says Syed Ahmed Ansari, 47, a rickshaw driver in Mumbai with a bushy white beard, standing in the driveway of his mosque in a neighborhood dotted with mosques, temples and churches.

"When Indians were struggling for freedom from colonial rule, we were united. We were all in it together," Ansari says. "Why should we focus now on what divides us?"

NPR producer Sushmita Pathak contributed to this report.​
 

Saif

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Jan 24, 2024
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Modi accused of creating fear psychosis among Hindus to stay in power
New Age Desk 05 May, 2024, 01:39

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Narendra Modi

National Conference president Farooq Abdullah on Saturday accused prime minister Narendra Modi of trying to create a fear psychosis among Hindus to stay in power and said he has stopped talking about the issues of the common people who drove him to this.

The former chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir asked people to stay away from 'this divide and rule policy', the Hindu reported.

Speaking at the city's Khanyar area here in support of NC's Lok Sabha poll candidate Aga Syed Ruhullah Mehdi, Abdullah said, 'Modi is trying to create fear among Hindus and to create fear, he tells them that your mangalsutras will be taken away and sold to give money to Muslims. Are we such bad people that we will take away mangalsutras from our mothers and sisters?

The MP from Srinagar said that the prime minister is telling Hindus that if the opposition bloc INDIA comes to power after the ongoing polls, their savings will be taxed and if they have two houses, one will be taken away and given to Muslims.

'He creates hatred among Hindus against Muslims and then he says that Muslims produce more children. God gives children. Many (people) do not have (children). What does he know about children if he doesn't have any? He didn't even appreciate his wife, how could he have appreciated his children? Abdullah asked the gathering.

He accused the prime minister of 'creating hatred' in the country and said 'we are against it.'

'We pray to God to bring him (Modi) down. He is lying,' Abdullah said.

The veteran leader, who is not contesting the Lok Sabha polls due to his health problems, said Modi has stopped talking about the issues of the common people that propelled him to the prime minister's post in 2014.

'When he came to power in 2014, he raised the issue of price of LPG cylinders. The price of a domestic gas cylinder at that time was Rs 400. He raised the issue of price hike and unemployment.

'Ten years have passed and what is the price of a gas cylinder now? It is Rs 1,100. The prices of diesel have increased, the prices of cooking oil have increased, the prices of vegetables, mutton, etc. have increased. He (Modi) has installed smart meters that work even when there is no electricity,' Abdullah said.

He asked people to remain cautious and stay away from 'this divide and rule' policy.

Referring to the situation in Jammu and Kashmir, the former chief minister said all top officials in the Union Territory are outsiders.

'Whether it is SSPs (senior superintendents of police), DCs (deputy commissioners) or any other bureaucrats – they all come from outside. We have to fight this. We have to show them (BJP-led Centre) that we do not accept the decisions of August 5, 2019,' he said.

On August 5, 2019, the Center abrogated the provisions of Article 370 of the Constitution that had granted special rights to Jammu and Kashmir and bifurcated the erstwhile state into Union Territories.

Abdullah also asked voters to check the electronic voting machines while exercising their voting rights.

'If you vote, make sure you check the EVMs. See if the light comes on so that your voice is not lost. Also check the VVPATs. Government agents will try to bribe you, but you must remain careful and honest,' he said.​
 

Bilal9

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Moderator
Jan 24, 2024
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Modi accused of creating fear psychosis among Hindus to stay in power
New Age Desk 05 May, 2024, 01:39

View attachment 5706
Narendra Modi

National Conference president Farooq Abdullah on Saturday accused prime minister Narendra Modi of trying to create a fear psychosis among Hindus to stay in power and said he has stopped talking about the issues of the common people who drove him to this.

The former chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir asked people to stay away from 'this divide and rule policy', the Hindu reported.

Speaking at the city's Khanyar area here in support of NC's Lok Sabha poll candidate Aga Syed Ruhullah Mehdi, Abdullah said, 'Modi is trying to create fear among Hindus and to create fear, he tells them that your mangalsutras will be taken away and sold to give money to Muslims. Are we such bad people that we will take away mangalsutras from our mothers and sisters?

The MP from Srinagar said that the prime minister is telling Hindus that if the opposition bloc INDIA comes to power after the ongoing polls, their savings will be taxed and if they have two houses, one will be taken away and given to Muslims.

'He creates hatred among Hindus against Muslims and then he says that Muslims produce more children. God gives children. Many (people) do not have (children). What does he know about children if he doesn't have any? He didn't even appreciate his wife, how could he have appreciated his children? Abdullah asked the gathering.

He accused the prime minister of 'creating hatred' in the country and said 'we are against it.'

'We pray to God to bring him (Modi) down. He is lying,' Abdullah said.

The veteran leader, who is not contesting the Lok Sabha polls due to his health problems, said Modi has stopped talking about the issues of the common people that propelled him to the prime minister's post in 2014.

'When he came to power in 2014, he raised the issue of price of LPG cylinders. The price of a domestic gas cylinder at that time was Rs 400. He raised the issue of price hike and unemployment.

'Ten years have passed and what is the price of a gas cylinder now? It is Rs 1,100. The prices of diesel have increased, the prices of cooking oil have increased, the prices of vegetables, mutton, etc. have increased. He (Modi) has installed smart meters that work even when there is no electricity,' Abdullah said.

He asked people to remain cautious and stay away from 'this divide and rule' policy.

Referring to the situation in Jammu and Kashmir, the former chief minister said all top officials in the Union Territory are outsiders.

'Whether it is SSPs (senior superintendents of police), DCs (deputy commissioners) or any other bureaucrats – they all come from outside. We have to fight this. We have to show them (BJP-led Centre) that we do not accept the decisions of August 5, 2019,' he said.

On August 5, 2019, the Center abrogated the provisions of Article 370 of the Constitution that had granted special rights to Jammu and Kashmir and bifurcated the erstwhile state into Union Territories.

Abdullah also asked voters to check the electronic voting machines while exercising their voting rights.

'If you vote, make sure you check the EVMs. See if the light comes on so that your voice is not lost. Also check the VVPATs. Government agents will try to bribe you, but you must remain careful and honest,' he said.​

The BJP/Shivsena/RSS should take a lesson from what happened in Gaza and how the Palestinians are holding out, even after Isra-heelis leveled half of Gaza and are literally starving the population.

You cannot break the will of a people by falsely demonizing them against the world.

It is a futile exercise by a bunch of uneducated amateurs.
 

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