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A corrupt taxman and his 'blessed' in-laws
Faisal, his relatives undervalued their properties in official documents, claims ACC


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"When you rise, lift others [read in-laws in this case] with you"-- even if it means bending a few rules along the way.

Quazi Abu Mahmud Faisal, former first secretary of the National Board of Revenue (NBR), seems to have lived up to these words.

Faisal, who was recently transferred to the Bogura office of NBR, has been under the spotlight recently for allegedly amassing a staggering Tk 1,000 crore illegally, as claimed by the ACC.

But it's not just Faisal whose fortune has risen exponentially thanks to his government job; his in-laws too seem to have hit the jackpot.

Faisal has purchased a 2,990-square-foot flat in Siddheshwari and 10 katha of land in Meradia, Dhaka, in the names of Ahmed Ali, his father-in-law, and Momtaz Begum, his mother-in-law.

The values of these properties were strategically undervalued in official documents.

Although the Siddehshwari flat was purchased in the name of Ahmed Ali on paper, in reality, it's Faisal and his family who have been living there for a year, according to locals.

The flat, located on the 10th floor of one of the four buildings in Rupayan Swapno Niloy in Siddheshwari, was shown to be bought for Tk 95.50 lakh.

The market value of the 2,990-square-foot flat is Tk 1 crore, according to an ACC document submitted to the court.

The Daily Star has a draft copy of the document.

Bazlur Rahman, who has been living in the area over the past three decades, also finds the official valuation "unbelievable".

"It's a real miracle," Rahman said, adding that the per square foot price in Siddheshwari ranges from Tk 10,000-15,000, and the actual market value of Faisal's flat is at least Tk 3 crore.

Besides, at least Tk 25 lakh more is required for parking space, he added.

Meanwhile, Momtaz Begum's fortune turned bright in February 2022 when she acquired 10 kathas of land in Meradia for Tk 52 lakh.

ACC believes the actual market value of the property is Tk 4.5 crore.

Besides, Faisal's father-in-law purchased a flat for Tk 1 crore from Rupayan Housing Estate in the city's Ramna area.

These are just the tips of the iceberg. The story goes even deeper.

For example, Faisal and his 11 relatives conducted transactions worth crores through 87 accounts across 19 banks and one non-bank financial institution.

The largest volume of transactions, amounting to Tk 11.57 crore, was found in the account of his father-in-law, a retired bank officer, who has eight bank accounts.

Faisal's mother-in-law Momtaz Begum, a homemaker, has 10 bank accounts, and transactions amounting to Tk 7 crore were spotted in these accounts.

ACC is now investigating how Faisal's father-in-law acquired so much wealth.

But Faisal didn't forget his wife Jesmin. She owns five kathas of land in Boro Kathaldia Mouza in Bhatara area, "valued" at Tk 18.17 lakh.

However, during the investigation, the ACC found the market value of this land to be Tk 75 lakh.

Moreover, there is also land "worth" Tk 7.5 lakh in Purbachal New Town, but the ACC has not disclosed its true value yet.

As for Faisal himself, he owns approximately 15.5 kathas of land spread across five places in Dhaka and Narayanganj, which he valued at Tk 40.29 lakh.

However, the ACC's investigators have stated that these land values have been significantly undervalued.

Faisal and his wife had also bought a five-katha plot from the Jolshiri Housing Project in Khilgaon, while his wife bought another five-katha plot for Tk 75 lakh from East-West Development.

Faisal has six accounts, which had transactions amounting to Tk 5.21 crore. Jesmin, a homemaker, has five bank accounts where transactions worth Tk 2.25 crore took place.

The Dhaka Metropolitan Senior Special Judge's Court ordered the seizure of Faisal's assets, including plots, flats, and bank accounts, which include 19 bank accounts and 87 financial institution accounts held by 11 of his relatives.

The seized assets, both movable and immovable, are valued at approximately Tk 17 crore as shown in official documents by Faisal and his family members.

However, ACC officials claimed in court that those properties were undervalued and they amount to no less than Tk 20 crore.

Faisal also purchased savings certificates worth Tk 2.55 crore between June 2019 and November 2023 in his and his family's names.

The allegations against Faisal include taking bribes for transferring income tax officials, intimidating taxpayers, and other irregularities.

ACC decided to investigate Faisal last year.

Faisal joined NBR in 2005 as a BCS cadre in the post of assistant tax commissioner.​
 

The incredible 'goatness' of being
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The goat incident also sparked off quite a bit of family drama when the official claimed that the young man was not his son. VISUAL: Shaikh Sultana Jahan Badhon

The saga of a Tk 15 lakh goat with an impressive pedigree, followed by the unfolding of the jaw-dropping accumulation of wealth of an NBR official, may make us rethink our derisive attitude toward this misunderstood animal. I mean the goat, of course.

After all, we cannot deny that in Bangalee culture, we often refer to people who do dumb things as a "chhagol" (goat), going as far as calling someone the offspring of a goat (chhagoler bachcha), a term lost in translation: in English, it would be calling someone a "kid" (baby goat), which does not carry the same degree of humiliation.

We may have to rethink our "goat dismissiveness".

The town is abuzz about how the astronomical price of a goat the size of a small horse led to the opening of a gigantic can of worms and, for the media, a treasure trove of sensational stories. It was the son of the mysterious NBR member who had spilled the first beans that led to the revelation of his father's enormous real estate acquisitions and piles of cash made from shares. Like a typical rich spoilt brat, he made the mistake of bragging about the Tk 15 lakh goat he had acquired at a bargain price of Tk 12 lakh. A video clip of this went viral on social media, leading to intense speculations about the source of his father's wealth. The NBR official was eventually transferred to a post in another ministry as a reprimand for the embarrassment he caused his organisation, one presumes.

The Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) is investigating allegations of corruption against the official whose basic salary was Tk 78,000 a month. According to media reports, the person under investigation and his family's wealth include luxury resorts, a shooting spot and multiple bungalows. A report by The Daily Star reveals he also has three crore shares in at least 10 companies. He even talked about his success in the stock market in an earlier TV interview, surprisingly revealing that he had inside information about these companies, which is a violation of capital market regulations.

The goat incident also sparked off quite a bit of family drama when the official against whom these allegations were made initially claimed that the young man was not his son (just like the Michael Jackson song "Billie Jean") naming only the two children from his first wife. The media reported that the young goat connoisseur was his second wife's son. While he may have reacted badly to the stupidity of his offspring for exposing him, albeit unintentionally, it cannot be denied that he has been a generous father giving him a bevy of fancy cars and enough cash to allow him to buy 50-plus lakh taka worth of sacrificial animals, which obviously he also bragged about and was gleefully reported by the media.

He is also, no doubt, a generous husband considering the queenly lifestyle of his first wife, a retired government college teacher and upazila parishad chairman who lives in a white, two-storied mansion in Raipura and has even managed to get the road that leads to her home named after herself, according to a Daily Star report.

In fact, all the highly placed public officials against whom there are allegations of acquiring illegal wealth through dubious means (corruption is such a boring, overused word these days) seem to be ultra-devoted to their families. They buy luxury flats and resorts for their wives and children and go as far as bestowing lavish "gifts" upon their in-laws. Another official the ACC is investigating bought Tk 30 lakh and Tk 29 lakh worth of saving certificates for his father-in-law and brother-in-law, respectively. Meanwhile, his mother-in-law, a homemaker, has 10 bank accounts with transactions amounting to Tk 7 crore, as detected by ACC, no doubt thanks to her charming son-in-law. Now who wouldn't want a "jamai" like that?

These individuals are also champions of local tourism, building luxury resorts in the unlikeliest of places on acres and acres of land, giving the fun-starved public a nice place to go to. Sure, some of them may have forcefully taken away the lands of the poor and marginalised, but one must look at the bigger picture and see the bigness of their hearts (and wallets) that have given us these beautiful spots to visit.

The series of reports on the unaccounted-for wealth accumulation of public officials, some being the top bosses of very important government entities, gives the impression that the state's "zero tolerance for corruption" policy is finally in action. Maybe, but one cannot help but be a little sceptical of the official repercussions these individuals have facedโ€”transfers to a different ministry, or a slight demotion to a lower grade, which seem a mere slap in the wrist for what would be considered a serious crime. The ACC, meanwhile, seems to be the lone hero in this sagaโ€”investigating the cases, freezing assets and accounts and sharing its juicy findings with a hungry media. Oh, and of course, let's not forget the unlikely heroes like our giant, magnificent goat which has definitely given these neglected animals a far more elevated status than ever before.

Aasha Mehreen Amin is joint editor at The Daily Star.​
 

The paradox of whitening black money while fighting corruption
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VISUAL: Shaikh Sultana Jahan Badhon

Bangladesh is often described as a "paradox"; it excels in crucial social indicators while scoring poorly on the quality of governance. This paradox was evident when two contrasting news stories emerged from the same session of the Jatiya Sangsad on June 29: one about the prime minister's vow to crack down on graft, and the other about retaining amnesty for possessors of black money. How does one reconcile such contradictions? Has the government redefined corruption by excluding proceeds from illegal transactions, graft, and tax evasion, commonly known as black money?

Critics argue that the definition of black money varies depending on who holds it. This money seems less problematic if the holder is connected to the ruling party. Despite loud proclamations of "zero tolerance," government efforts rarely make a lasting impact on curbing corruption.

Currently, the country is abuzz with complaints about bureaucratic corruption. Previously, there was noise about traders' excessive profits and syndicates. A few years ago, Awami League embodied the zero-tolerance mantra when it tackled illegal wealth from casinos, gambling, and extortion. There was no shortage of theatrics when alleged casino kingpins were arrested in raids, which included quite a few Jubo League leaders, such as Ismail Chowdhury Samrat, Khaled Mahmud Bhuiyan, Kazi Anisur Rahman, and AKM Mominul Haque. Now, however, prosecutors seem to have forgotten about pursuing conviction for the accused, with all of them out on bail.

Considering the slew of unresolved large-scale financial crimes such as fraud and embezzlement of bank loans, insider trading, and manipulations in the stock market involving thousands of crores, one may wonder why there is even talk of a crackdown on corruption.

In the past decade and a half, the stock market has experienced at least three major manipulations. Those who looted investors' wealth faced no significant consequences. Similarly, fraud and embezzlement of bank loans have been long-standing issues. In 2012, the late Finance Minister Abul Maal Abdul Muhith downplayed Hallmark's Tk 4,000-crore fraud, saying, "It is not a big sum." At the time, his words seemed incredible, but now, with the scale of corruption being uncovered, his statement appears less mistaken or humorous. Banks being used to break rules and create precedents for anonymous loans in the billions is now commonplace.

Despite the noise about corruption, the corrupt seem largely unaffected. Government measures, like transfers or demotions after grand corruption allegations, suggest a "hate the sin, not the sinner" approach. Thus, criminals have no trouble withdrawing money or transferring assets before fleeing abroad. Critics of the government or opposition members, however, struggle to secure court permission just to travel.

Everyone wants corrupt bureaucrats tried, but the belief that they will face justice is almost nonexistent. This scepticism arises from the long-standing patronage they receive from political authorities, reflecting a partisan state apparatus. This is evident from the various medals and awards given to administrative and police officials for suppressing political opposition and overseeing one-sided elections. The Suddhachar (integrity) Award, intended as part of the anti-corruption drive, ironically has been bestowed upon record-setting corrupt individuals like former police chief Benazir Ahmed.

The one-sided election on January 7 has probably faded from many of our memories, along with the asset lists of candidates. Since the election was boycotted, and most candidates were from Awami League, the wealth disclosures in their affidavits highlighted how lucrative politics is. Transparency International Bangladesh found that the assets of the top 10 wealthiest MPs multiplied by up to 55 times in five years. The wealth of the richest MP's wife increased about 35 times, and over 15 years, his wealth surged 2,436 times. Many of these politicians are businessmen, yet such business growth is rare even in the West. Transparency's analysis of ministers' and state ministers' wealth also found up to eleven-fold wealth growth and 22 times income growth in five years.

Transparency identified 18 billionaires among candidates. Despite laws limiting single ownership to 100 bighas of land, affidavits revealed many own agricultural and non-agricultural land far exceeding this limit. The top 10 landowners possess 1.5 to 20 times the legal limit.

On January 11, Transparency called for verifying candidates' affidavits, analysing their assets and income statements, and confiscating any illegal asset through proper legal processes. They also recommended seizing land exceeding legal limits, which was not too difficult as these disclosures came in their affidavits. None of this happened. Had politicians' illegal land been confiscated, bureaucrats might have been deterred from pursuing dreams of becoming zamindars.

It has already been proven that raising alarm bells about the corruption of various professionals and groups will achieve little if the political sponsors of corruption are kept out of the reckoning. What's happening now is best described as mega-corruption, and at the rate at which complaints are heard, corruption has become decentralised. Whoever has the power, the maximum of it is being used for corruption. There is no solution to this problem unless there is a change in politics and a return to accountable democracy and the rule of law.

Kamal Ahmed is an independent journalist​
 

What options are left for us to fight unbridled corruption?

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What can ordinary citizens do to put a stop to the rampant corruption taking place in our government institutions? SOURCE: TIB

In recent times, allegations of serious corruption against a number of government officials have come to light. From former army chief Aziz Ahmed, former IGP and Rab chief Benazir Ahmed, and former Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) Commissioner Asaduzzaman Mia and his family members, to public servants working in much lower positions in the government, corruption seems to have spread its tentacles across the country's public service sector.

During the Covid pandemic, we learnt how a driver of the Directorate General of Health Service (DGHS) named Abdul Malek acquired crores of taka through corruption. At the same time, graft allegations emerged against former DGHS chief Abul Kalam Azad as well. These two stories illustrate how corruption has become institutionalised from the very top to the very bottom echelons of our government.

Another recent case of sensational corruption involves a National Board of Revenue (NBR) official named Md Matiur Rahman, and his wife Laila Kaniz Lucky, chairman of Narsingdi's Raipura Upazila Parishad. What's interesting about their case is how they came to light. Matiur's corruption was revealed only after a video of Matiur's son buying a goat at Tk 15 lakh for Eid-ul-Azha went viral. Ironically, even the sellers of the goat were allegedly involved in corruption in the selling process as well as in other operations. Matiur's wife Lucky even submitted her tax files to the Election Commission (EC) before the upazila parishad polls earlier this year. But the commission failed to unearth the corruption of Lucky and her family at that time.

This brings into question how well our public institutions are doing in terms of identifying and addressing corruption. How is it that the EC failed to notice that Lucky had understated her wealth? In fact, prior to the last national election, this newspaper had reported how this election witnessed the highest number of candidates with movable or liquid assets of Tk 1 crore or more. A number of ministers saw their wealth increase by more than a few thousand percent. And the EC showed no curiosity as to how these ministers managed to multiply their wealth by such absurd amounts. Are they just that good at business and investment? If they are such financial geniuses, why isn't our economy doing as well under their leadership?

And the same absurd wealth increase was seen among candidates during the upazila parishad polls. Again, the EC showed the least bit of interest to find out how these candidates managed to acquire such massive wealth, similar to the national election candidates.

Far from addressing corruption, our public institutions seem to be doing the opposite. For example, right after the reports of alleged corruption concerning former law enforcement high-ups came out, the Bangladesh Police Service Association (BPSA) released a statement which seemingly threatened the media against reporting on corruption by law enforcers. Without being able to identify a single victim who was maligned by the media reports, the BPSA labelled the reports as "partial, motivated, exaggerated, and misleading."

The BPSA also claimed that the reports were "tarnishing the police's image," while ignoring the damage done by the alleged corruption of its former members. Such claims have become the go-to tactic whenever allegations of corruption are raised. For example, Awami League General Secretary Obaidul Quader recently allegedโ€”as many of his party members had previously doneโ€”that corruption accusations were being brought forth to portray AL as a corrupt party. Making such claims, without verifying the authenticity of the allegations, can often be seen as the most commonly used tactic in kleptocracies around the world.

And this is what the Opposition Leader and Jatiya Party Chairman GM Quader recently pointed out in parliament: that corruption, at the scale that it is happening, has become the biggest threat to our economy. Quader rightly said that a wealthy circle has emerged comprising corrupt individuals, loan defaulters, and money launderers; in other words, we are being ruled by a kleptocratic and corrupt elite. And this has come about as a result of lack of accountability and governance failures.

Awami League MP AFM Bahauddin Nasim also rightly spoke about the fact that government bodies are doing the nation a huge disservice by coming to the defence of the corrupt. But the fact remains that it is his party that has weakened the law when it comes to identifying and preventing corruption by public servantsโ€”through the Government Services Act, 2018, for example, which even AL leader and lawmaker Mahbubul Alam Hanif said could be "considered a law to protect criminals."

Through an amendment to the Government Servants (Discipline and Appeal) Rules, 1985, the authorities in 2018 included "reprimand" as a penalty for corruption that has been proven through investigations. Before this amendment, the punishment was either "compulsory retirement," "removal from service" or "dismissal from service." To simply "reprimand" a public servant who has been found to be involved in corruption, while allowing them to remain in "service," is a slap in the public's face. And since 2018, numerous public servants proven to be involved in corruption have continued to remain in service due to this amendment, with only a slap on the wrist.

And it's not only the AL, but the BNP too, which through the 2002 amendment to the Government Servant (Conduct) Rules, 1979 relaxed the anti-graft rules for public servants. This only demonstrates the mindset of our political class in general: their primary motivation is to curry favour from public servants, rather than ensure transparency and accountability in public service for the sake of the public.

The only way to change this mindset is to get honest politicians into positions of power and hold to account those who are not truly serving the people. Unfortunately, all the mechanisms meant to do so seem to have been weakened, if not completely destroyed, one after another in recent decades. That's why the AL managed to make such an amendment to the public service rules, which can easily be argued to have breached Article 20 (2) of the constitution, while no other branch of government stepped in to prevent it.

So, ordinary citizens have only two options now: 1) allow corruption to run rampant and cost them in every sphere of life as a result; or 2) form mass movements that are strong enough to force politicians, public servants and other government authorities to not only rectify the legal issues that they have created, but enforce them to the letter, which will automatically deter government employees from getting involved in corruption.

Eresh Omar Jamal is deputy head of editorial at The Daily Sta​
 

Anti-Corruption Commission must live up to mandate
08 July, 2024, 00:00

THE failure of the Anti-Corruption Commission to complete 4,008 inquiries and investigations and 3,348 cases that the commission filed having been pending with court are worrying on a couple of counts. Official statistics show that trial proceedings are under way in 2,919 cases out of the total 3,348 cases pending with courts while trial proceedings have been stalled in 429 cases on High Court orders. Besides, 732 writ petitions, 927 criminal miscellaneous cases, 1,223 criminal appeals and 681 criminal revision cases are pending for disposal until March. Yet, which is more worrying is that the commission has failed, as official data show, to complete inquiries and investigations in 4,008 cases although, as commission rules lay out, an officer gets a maximum of 75 days to complete an inquiry and 270 days to complete an investigation. The commission has showed similar failures in 2023, too, when it could complete 2,029 inquiries but the rest of 2,399 inquiries remained pending. The commission that year could complete 555 investigations but investigation of 1,609 more cases remained pending. The failure to complete inquiries and investigations and delay in trial benefits corruption suspects because it creates the scope for the suspects to find a way out of the commission's net. The event of delayed or no punishment in corruption ultimately adds to the culture of impunity and entails injustice on people.

Experts criticise the commission for its failure to complete the investigation of 52 cases filed against former NRB Global Bank managing director Proshanta Kumar Halder and 85 others in 2020โ€“2022 in connection with the embezzlement of Tk 34 billion from various financial institutions. In January 2023, the commission formed a two-member team for inquiries to establish whether the Dhaka Water Supply and Sewerage Authority managing director amassed illegal wealth and laundered money after the media had reported on his buying 14 houses in the United States. The inquiry has stalled. In 2019, the commission began inquiries of 22 former and sitting members of parliament, including several of the ruling Awami League, on charges of corruption, but the inquires have not been completed. The inquiry of the non-funded part of the Hallmark Group scam involving the embezzlement of Tk 12 billion has been pending for 12 years. The inquiry began in 2012. Most of the inquiries and investigations of corruption and irregularities in the health sector during the Covid outbreak has been pending for three years. More than a hundred people listed by the commission are suspected to have been involved in corruption in recruitment, tender forgery, purchase wrongdoings, illegal involvement in business and the accumulation of illegal wealth. The commission seeks to put the failure down to inadequate human resources, claiming to have put efforts in completing the tasks in time and hoping for a better future.

But what it comes down to is the commission's glaring failure to complete its tasks in time and making delays that not only denies justice, going by the legal maxim of 'justice delayed is justice denied', but also adds to the culture of impunity, entailing further injustice. The commission also must learn to rise above politics if there were any political considerations in the failure and delay at hand. The commission must live up to its mandate.​
 

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