[🇧🇩] Everything about the interim government and its actions

[Saif]

CA's concern about lawlessness

This is for the first time that Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus has not only asserted his firm stand on the law and order situation but also issued a definite instruction to deal with its slide with an iron hand. Earlier the Nobel Laureate for peace simply exhorted all for maintenance of social p

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CA's concern about lawlessness
FE
Published :
Feb 05, 2025 22:22
Updated :
Feb 05, 2025 22:22

This is for the first time that Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus has not only asserted his firm stand on the law and order situation but also issued a definite instruction to deal with its slide with an iron hand. Earlier the Nobel Laureate for peace simply exhorted all for maintenance of social peace and stability in the interest of the nation. But there are elements---political or anti-social--- bad to the bone, who are mentally bent on scoffing at the most fervent appeal. They do not appreciate the language of rationality and change; they need an altogether different kind of treatment. The chief adviser might have to struggle to come to terms with the hard reality and finally he has done. But his urgency also betrayed a sense of something ominous. The threat of sabotage and counterrevolution has often been mentioned by the functionaries of the incumbent government and politicians in their speeches. But when the chief adviser asks security agencies to stay alert, its import is grave and should be taken seriously.

Usually this is an area the home minister, here the home adviser, is in charge of. But in this case, the chief adviser has not only hoisted the danger signal but also instructed to create a command centre for tapping any untoward developments anywhere in the country. In fact, the home ministry itself is responsible for coordinating internal security. Now the chief adviser has intervened, making it clear that the current arrangement for security is not enough. Hence his instruction, it seems, for creation of a command centre for better coordination of monitoring and prompt actions. The chief adviser has made it clear that the advantage of digitisation has to be used to the maximum in this task. In this respect, his suggestion for acceptance of first information report (FIR) filed online by a complainant can facilitate the process.

So far so good. But apart from painting the spectre of a backlash from the deposed forces, the government has not shown its clear intent to deal with some burning issues for their early solution and not allowing those to escalate and create each a precedent for anarchy. The labour unrest and aggressive student agitation for disaffiliation of seven government colleges from the University of Dhaka and elevation of one of those to the status of a university are the two most vexing of many such organised protests. There was no difference between the political government and this interim government in handling the problems and allowing those to mount. Engagement with the aggrieved parties courtesy of astute negotiations could avoid escalation of the anarchic developments infringing on the rights of the general public. There is still time for such negotiations.

Voices of resentment and even opposition to the government's inaction have already been raised, denting its popularity. Some stake-holders seem to be in a hurry to bypass the comprehensive reform process in favour of an election. Riding on popular support, the government could use its good offices for an amicable solution to the most burning issues, thus stemming lawlessness right from the beginning. That would have discouraged insane agitation, on the one hand, and helped avoid public sufferings as well as loss of property and work hours, on the other. Lawlessness would have effectively been discouraged.​

 

[Saif]

Govt won't stand actions to destabilise country

The interim government yesterday expressed its deep concern over the "provocative actions by certain individuals and groups to destabilise the country" and vowed stern actions against the perpetrators

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Govt won't stand actions to destabilise country

The interim government yesterday expressed its deep concern over the "provocative actions by certain individuals and groups to destabilise the country" and vowed stern actions against the perpetrators.

Referring to the attacks on various institutions and establishments across the country, Chief Adviser's Press Wing, in a statement, said, the government will firmly resist such acts.

The interim government is prepared to ensure the safety and security of all citizens and their properties, it added.

"If any attempt is made to destabilise the country through provocative actions, law enforcement agencies will take immediate and strict measures against the responsible individuals and groups and bring them to justice,' reads the statement.​

 

[Saif]

‘Govt bound to fail as it lacks spirit of uprising’

The interim government is bound to fail as it does not have the spirit of the July uprising in it, said columnist and writer Farhad Mazhar yesterday.

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‘Govt bound to fail as it lacks spirit of uprising’
Farhad Mazhar says if students form polls-centric political party, they’ll fail too

The interim government is bound to fail as it does not have the spirit of the July uprising in it, said columnist and writer Farhad Mazhar yesterday.

"Dr Yunus is bound to fail. This government, which may have emerged from the mass uprising, is destined to fail as well. This is because the spirit of the uprising is absent within this government, it is not built upon the essence of the movement," he said at an event of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee.

The upazila-level representative meeting of the Dhaka south metropolitan unit of the committee was held at the Institute of Diploma Engineers in Kakrail.

Criticising the members of reform commissions, Mazhar said, "If you form a commission by bringing in elite and privileged individuals, who previously benefited under the Awami League regime or in the international arena, what will you achieve?"

"Bangladesh needs to be rebuilt. The correct term is 'restructuring,' not reform. We haven't even gotten our language right yet," he said.

Addressing the Nagorik Committee and student leaders, he said if they are aiming to build an election-centric party, that will eventually fail.

"Now that you have started the process of forming a party, I must ask -- are you creating another BNP, or are you truly building the revolutionary force needed to complete the mass uprising we could not finish? If you are planning to rise again with full organisational strength to complete the uprising, then you are welcome."

"But if you are merely forming another so-called liberal party, one that exists only for elections... If your goal is only to protect a government or build a new state through elections, it is nothing but a delusion," he added.

Mazhar said it is unfortunate that the Hindus of the country are being labelled as agents of Delhi just for demanding their fundamental rights. "Is this fair? The people have not yet freed themselves from this habit of labeling others," he said.

In the final segment, Nasiruddin Patwary, convener of Nagorik Committee, its member secretary Akhtar Hossain, spokesperson Samanta Shermeen, and chief organiser Sarjis Alam also spoke.

Responding to a question regarding proportional representation in elections, Patwary said they have proposed a hybrid electoral system.

"It can be implemented experimentally in a certain number of constituencies, perhaps 100 or slightly more. This can be tested in the next election through discussions with all parties," he said.

Sarjis said both the Nagorik Committee and the Anti-discrimination Student Movement will hold councils at regular intervals, where representatives will be elected through direct voting by council members.

In response to a question as to why the party is not expanding, Sarjis said, "We already have committees covering half of Bangladesh's administrative regions. By February, we will reach every thana and upazila. A new party will officially be launched within this month."

Akhtar Hossain said they would finalise the party's name, symbol, and core principles through nationwide consultations by late February.

The session was moderated by the committee's joint convener Ariful Islam Adib.​

 

[Saif]

Bangladesh is on the right track: foreign adviser

Says interim govt earned overwhelming global support in the past six months as he discusses ties his govt’s ties with major local and global powers

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Bangladesh is on the right track: foreign adviser
Says interim govt earned overwhelming global support in the past six months as he discusses ties his govt’s ties with major local and global powers

Md Touhid Hossain. File photo

Bangladesh has gained the confidence of foreign nations as the country is largely on the right track under the interim government led by Professor Muhammad Yunus," Foreign Affairs Adviser Md Touhid Hossain said.

"There was a sense of doubt among our foreign friends. They wondered what was happening here and what would follow. I believe we could, by and large, reassure them that Bangladesh is moving in the right direction," he told BSS on completion of the six months of the interim government.

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Touhid, a career diplomat, however, said some "hiccups" were inevitable and widely understood after the political transition Bangladesh went through after the uprising.

"We have managed to overcome those challenges and have received overwhelming global support," he said while replying to a question on the government's achievements regarding foreign relations in the past six months.

Touhid said the country was progressing in the right direction in terms of economy or politics and "we have successfully convinced the international community regarding this".

YUNUS'S LEVERAGE

The adviser said being the head of the interim government, Nobel Laureate Professor Yunus in past six months attended several high-profile international gatherings and drew due respect.

"We have been able to positively leverage Yunus's global image in our diplomatic engagements," he said.

The foreign adviser said things were moving forward in terms of trade and business as well despite fears among many that Bangladesh exports would suffer in the rocky transition period.

Touhid said the government could also handle issues regarding remittances.

"The interim government aims to maintain good relations with every country, and we believe we have successfully done so," he added.

BANGLADESH-PAKISTAN RELATIONS

Touhid said there was no reason to maintain a "strained relationship" with Pakistan.

"There was an intentional effort (during the Awami League regime) to keep relations with Pakistan strained, but we have worked to bring normalcy in bilateral ties. Pakistan took an initiative to improve ties (as well), and we have welcomed it," he said.

The adviser said Bangladesh and Pakistan, both South Asian countries, share mutual interests. He also said the resumption of maritime connectivity between the two countries would bring benefits for both nations.

He said that there were issues which remained unresolved between the two countries even after 53 years of Bangladesh's independence but "if we remain fixated on those issues, neither side will benefit".

"We will, of course, try to protect and recover our interests, but at the same time, we want to view our relations with Pakistan as we do with any other country," the adviser said.

He said by now Bangladesh allowed Pakistani private airline Jinnah Air to resume direct Karachi-Dhaka flights after a decade.

The adviser said Pakistan's Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar was expected to visit Dhaka in April.

BANGLADESH-INDIA RELATIONS

Hossain acknowledged that a sense of unease prevailing in Dhaka-New Delhi relations and "there is no benefit in denying it".

He also acknowledged complexities stemming from deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina's stay in India following her resignation amid a political upheaval.

"A sense of unease has developed in Bangladesh-India relations … from our side, we have made efforts to resolve this discomfort with New Delhi," Touhid said.

But, the adviser said the interim government's objective was to establish a relationship with India that could ensure mutual benefits and secure both nations' interest and "that effort continues".

He said bilateral interactions, including Professor Yunus's telephone conversation with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and meeting with Indian External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar on the UN General Assembly sidelines set the stage for improved ties.

"There may be a few hiccups -- it's normal. Hiccups happen when there are significant changes. We aim to create a good working relationship by overcoming these issues for the benefit of both sides," he said.

BANGLADESH-CHINA RELATIONS

Touhid said Dhaka was able to reassure China regarding its policy stance while during his recent visit to Beijing.

He said extensive discussions were held on bilateral matters, development projects, and trade.

"Several key issues were discussed, and we are hopeful that the relationship will remain on the right track and continue progressing," he said.

The adviser said all previous governments maintained good relations with China, and "we aim to continue this".

He said Bangladesh's engagements with Western nations would not affect its ties with Beijing.

China has reaffirmed its commitment to strengthen bilateral cooperation and maintain a policy of non-interference in Bangladesh's internal affairs.

Hossain also announced that China decided to designate two to three hospitals in Kunming, the nearest Chinese city to Dhaka for Bangladeshi patients as they were facing difficulties in obtaining Indian medical visas.

Touhid visited Beijing from January 20-24 at the invitation of his Chinese counterpart Wang Yi, during which he held a bilateral meeting and visited Shanghai to engage with Chinese business leaders.

"We discussed all our bilateral matters, including development projects and trade. I requested Beijing to lower interest rates on loans and extend the loan repayment period from 20 years to 30 years," he said.

The adviser said the Chinese foreign minister "assured me of extending the loan repayment period and promised to look into the request for a reduction in interest rates".

BANGLADESH-US RELATIONS

Touhid said Dhaka does not expect major changes in Bangladesh-US relations due to Donald Trump's assumption of the US presidency following the election of his country.

"We have nothing to speculate," he said, expressing optimism that relations with Washington will remain stable.

Regarding Trump's decision to cut aid, the adviser described it as "expected" and reminded all that USAID's temporary aid suspension was not targeted at any particular country.

"The new US administration has introduced policies that differ significantly from its predecessor. We will have to wait and see the final outcome and adapt accordingly," he said.

The adviser added: "When new challenges arise, we must work strategically to safeguard our national interests."

BALANCED FOREIGN POLICY

The foreign adviser said Bangladesh must maintain balanced relations with India, China, and the United States, as all three nations hold strategic importance for the country.

He highlighted trade ties between India and China despite their geopolitical tensions, as well as India's close relationship with the US, to emphasize Bangladesh's need to maintain good relations with all three nations.

"Our relations with India, China, and the US are very important. We will surely maintain balanced relations with these three countries while protecting our own interests," Touhid said.​

 

[Saif]

Govt has no intention to extend its stay in power

Law Adviser Asif Nazrul yesterday assured political parties that the interim government has no intention to “prolong its stay in power” by unnecessarily wasting time.

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Govt has no intention to extend its stay in power
Says law adviser

File photo

Law Adviser Asif Nazrul yesterday assured political parties that the interim government has no intention to "prolong its stay in power" by unnecessarily wasting time.

"We want to move towards the national election after ensuring the urgent, fundamental, and necessary reforms based on political consensus, which are crucial to ensure free and fair election polls," he told a press briefing at the Foreign Service Academy.

The briefing was held on the report submissions of six major reform commissions -- constitution, election, judiciary, police, civil service, and anti-corruption commission. The reports were published on the Cabinet Division's website.

He said political parties are suspecting that the reforms are not being made because the interim government is trying to extend its tenure. The necessary reforms can be completed if this suspicion is removed, he said.

Nazrul also said said the government is keen on beginning talks with political parties from mid-February. "If the parties agree, the discussions could continue even during Ramadan.

"We've already said the election could be held between December 2025 and June 2026. Considering monsoon, it might be brought forward to March or April 2026…Everything will be finalised based on political consensus."

About how long it might take to carry out the necessary reforms, the law adviser said, the reform commissions, except that for the constitution, has set a timeline of six months for implementing immediate reforms.

"Some of the proposed reforms -- at least 50 percent -- could even be completed within a month."

Nazrul added that the government has already taken some steps towards reforms even before getting the commissions' reports. "Some issues, such as appointing court officials through a judicial service commission, have already been considered as these are good for all."

He also said that the constitution reform commission has not yet given any timeline for implementing reforms as all it will all be dependent on political consensus.​

 

[Saif]

Six months of the interim government: Bangladesh stands at a critical crossroads

The coming months will be crucial for the interim government.

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Six months of the interim government: Bangladesh stands at a critical crossroads

Professor Yunus’s dedication to economic and social development has made him a widely respected global icon. PHOTO: PID

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus announced in December last year that the next general election might take place at the end of 2025 or in the first half of 2026, depending on political consensus and reforms. His government, which took over after Sheikh Hasina's ouster on August 5, formed at least 15 reform commissions. However, six months in, the interim government finds itself navigating troubled waters, surrounded by complex socioeconomic, political, and governance challenges that threaten to overshadow its initial promises.

Economic struggle and the crisis of confidence

The interim administration inherited a fragile financial landscape marked by high inflation, a banking sector in crisis, and dwindling foreign exchange reserves. Inflation eased to 9.94 percent in January from 10.89 percent in December, driven by stable food prices due to an influx of winter vegetables. Despite this decline, inflation has remained above nine percent since March 2023, causing hardships for fixed-income and low-income people.

Following criticism over recent hikes, the National Board of Revenue (NBR) revised down VAT and supplementary duty on some items. The VAT adjustments follow IMF recommendations under a $4.7 billion loan programme, pushing for tax reforms at the expense of public well-being to increase revenue collection. The banking sector, long plagued by bad loans and financial mismanagement, has seen some positive steps, such as asset quality reviews and hiring of international auditors to clean up failing banks. The government has worked to curb illicit financial outflows estimated to be $16 billion annually under the previous regime.

Foreign direct investment dropped to a six-year low in the July-September quarter of FY25, reaching only $104.33 million, a 71 percent decline from FY24. Net equity investment fell by 46 percent to $76.79 million, while reinvested earnings dropped by 73 percent to $72.9 million. The decline has been driven by political unrest, labour agitation, inflation, import restrictions, dollar shortages, and weak law and order. Investors remain wary due to uncertainty over political transitions, economic mismanagement, and inconsistent policies.

Law and order, reform and good governance

Law and order remain one of the most critical aspects. While the administration has attempted to restore stability following months of violent protests, crime rates have surged. Sharp rise in political violence, robberies, and extortion has been exacerbated by a weakened police force recovering from the post-uprising trauma and restructuring.

Violent crime, particularly murder and mugging, has created fear, especially in the evenings. Despite increased patrolling and intelligence surveillance, police efforts have not significantly curbed crime rates. Murder cases surged in 2024, with 583 in September, 399 in October, and 337 in November, whereas in the same months in 2023, the numbers were significantly lower at 238, 258, and 227, respectively. Muggings have escalated as armed gangs target victims in alleys and even in broad daylight.

While the interim government has exposed past human rights violations, including enforced disappearances, allegations of politically motivated arrests and reprisals have raised concerns about the government replicating some of the sametendencies. While no significant extrajudicial killings have been reported, the recent death of a BNP youth front activist in the custody of security forces has fuelled fears that old patterns may be re-emerging.

The interim government formed 11 inquiry teams to investigate corruption allegations against the family members of Sheikh Hasina and 10 major industrial groups, including S Alam, Beximco, Bashundhara, and Summit. The Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) is leading the investigation, with support from other agencies like the NBR and CID. There is a lack of transparency on the progress of the investigations, and no timeline or public update on how these investigations are being conducted or their effectiveness.

Though it has aggressively pursued investigations into the previous government's misdeeds, the interim government has been less proactive in tackling corruption and unrest happening under its tenure. The administration's tendency to cherry-pick aspects that require reform has raised concerns on the intent and efficacy of the reform commissions. In absence of any meaningful conversation with political parties, who will ultimately have to agree to implement the proposed reforms, the commission reports will be another academic paper gathering dust.

Protests, gridlock, and disruptions

Since August 5, ongoing traffic disruptions in Dhaka due to relentless protests have brought the city's mobility to a grinding halt, making daily commute a struggle for millions. One such recent disruption came from the students of Government Titumir College, who staged multiple road blockades demanding university status for their institution. On January 30, they obstructed both sides of the road in front of their campus and at the Gulshan 1 intersection, causing hours-long congestion that left commuters helpless. Protests also extended to rickshaw drivers who blocked roads to ban battery-run powered rickshaws, only for battery-run rickshaw drivers to stage counter-protests when a High Court ruling restricted their operations.

Efforts by the Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP), which include deployment of 4,200 officers, have had little impact. Between September and December alone, the DMP issued over 139,000 traffic violation cases and confiscated thousands of illegal rickshaws, yet the gridlock persists. The capital city risks descending into complete chaos, where every day is dictated by yet another protest and another gridlock.

The failure of the National Curriculum and Textbook Board (NCTB) to timely distribute textbooks caused frustration, leaving parents and children bewildered. By mid-January, only 37 percent of 40.15 crore textbooks were delivered, disrupting primary and secondary education. This fiasco places the government in a negative light as the previous government had a good track record of delivering the books on time.

July uprising victims plagued by red tape

Victims of the July uprising continue to suffer as compensation remains caught up in bureaucratic red tape. Although the government pledged Tk 5 lakh for families of martyrs and Tk 1 lakh for the injured, disbursement is hindered by tedious verification procedure. Families are forced to make repeated visits, only to face rejection due to minor discrepancies or the unavailability of officials.

Limited staffing of the July Shaheed Smrity Foundation, with only 35 employees, has exacerbated delays, making it difficult for applicants to receive timely support. Inefficiency and slow processing has pushed affected families into financial distress, forcing them to struggle for survival while their applications remain unresolved.

Strained ties with India and scepticism

While India's narrow focus on backing Hasina rather than engaging with Bangladesh's broader political spectrum has been a strategic mistake, the resulting growth of anti-India sentiment in Bangladesh is also worrying and counterproductive as we have to find ways for constructive engagement with our largest neighbour. A stable and cooperative relationship is crucial for regional peace, stability, and prosperity. Unresolved bilateral issues, including water-sharing, border killings, and trade imbalances need to be addressed to maintain long-term cooperation. The Western nations have adopted a guarded attitude towards the interim administration, though the EU and the US have expressed support for democratic reforms.

Electoral uncertainty, regionalism, and moral authority

The primary mandate of the caretaker government is to pave the way for a free and fair election. Six months in, there is still no confirmed election date, with the chief adviser juggling between 2025 and 2026, citing the need for institutional reforms. This has led to growing frustrations among political parties, particularly the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which has been demanding elections sooner rather than later. BNP insists electoral reforms be undertaken after a new government is elected, rather than delaying the process indefinitely.

The government's indecisiveness has fuelled speculation that it is prolonging its tenure under the guise of reform, and some have accused that procrastination is for giving time to student leaders to prepare for the elections. These uncertainties, combined with the need for broader political consensus, make it difficult to predict whether the reforms will succeed, especially as the government faces challenges in managing its relations with other political forces, providing a clear date for the election, and navigating the complexities of governance.

Almost one-third of the cabinet members are from a single district, which is not expected from someone who should have been above such regionalism, as moral ground is lost against the much criticised "pro-Gopalganj" bias of the Hasina regime. Some student leaders who played a vital role in the uprising have been included in the government, giving reasons to raise questions about the interim government's impartiality as students are planning to launch a new political party to contest elections.

The heroic and patriotic role of the students should have been recognised by giving them a separate platform to share their legitimate aspirations in education, job, and entrepreneurial ambitions, and to support the same with appropriate policies and programmes. After all, the movement started with the legitimate demand of the student community to have a fair chance to much coveted government jobs by reforming the quota system. If students want to be in politics, it is their democratic right, which they should exercise by being outside the government. Including them in the cabinet, openly supporting their political ambitions, and by referring to them as "appointing authorities," Prof Yunus has undermined his official position and moral authority. This was uncalled for as it is the students who requested him to take the helm of power; hence, there was no need to act otherwise.

Similarly, to introduce one of the student leaders in an international forum as the "mastermind" of the uprising and that "everything was meticulously planned" was unnecessary and has fed into the hands of those who have been propagating that the ouster of Sheikh Hasina was the outcome of a "well-planned conspiracy," as opposed to her fleeing in the face of a popular mass movement led by students and general public.

A government in limbo and the slippery slope ahead

Despite initial optimism, the interim government has failed to deliver a clear political roadmap to elections and reforms. This is not understandable as it is not rocket science as elucidated in the opinion piece by this author published in The Daily Star on January 11 and Prothom Alo on January 15. The uncertainty surrounding elections, prevalence in crime, and economic hardships have eroded the goodwill this government initially enjoyed. While Prof Yunus remains a respected figure internationally, his government's lack of strategic planning, slow decision-making, inefficient management, loose and reckless talks by some advisers and officials at the CA's Office have all led to growing frustration and scepticism.

The coming months will be crucial for the interim government and decide the fate of the people banking on the government for a free, fair, and participatory election, resulting in the return to democratic governance and rule of law. To have credibility and retain trust, the interim government must commit to a clear election timeline with a concrete date, address law enforcement inefficiencies, and ensure that economic policies do not burden ordinary citizens to meet requirements set by the likes of IMF.

If this state of weak leadership, poor governance and resulting chaos and confusion, disorder and disruption, instability and uncertainty continue for another six months, we will be treading an unchartered territory. A slippery slope which not only risks plunging the country into an abyss and civil strife, but also a predicament that can be more ominous than the one we got rid of. The clock is ticking.

Prof Syed Munir Khasru is chairman of the Institute for Policy, Advocacy, and Governance (IPAG), an international think tank.​

 

[Saif]

In fragile trust, economy falters

Over the last several years, Ahsan, a rickshaw puller in his 50s, has been eagerly waiting for relief from the high prices of food and other essentials. Days and months have passed, but his pursuit of a better living by escaping the curse of elevated inflation has remained a distant dream.

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In fragile trust, economy falters

Over the last several years, Ahsan, a rickshaw puller in his 50s, has been eagerly waiting for relief from the high prices of food and other essentials. Days and months have passed, but his pursuit of a better living by escaping the curse of elevated inflation has remained a distant dream.

By this time, the previous Sheikh Hasina government was toppled in a popular mass uprising in August last year and an interim administration took charge in the same month.

But Ahsan's struggle continues, and so does the erosion of his family's living standards, even though inflation eased for the second consecutive month in January.

"I have not seen any real change in my life," he said, while making an assessment of the interim government's six months in power.

"The only thing that has become cheaper is potatoes, but the prices of all other essentials have gone up," said the father of four children.

Ahsan, who does not have a second name, is the sole breadwinner for his six-member family. He earns roughly Tk 700 a day, which is insufficient to cover all essential expenses, including house rent.

"How am I supposed to provide three meals a day for my family with my meagre income?"

The rickshaw puller lives in Kamrangirchar, home to thousands of low-income people reliant on Dhaka, the metropolis that serves as the major engine of Bangladesh's economy.

He said he used to buy rice for less than Tk 50 per kilogramme. Now, like millions of Bangladeshis, he has to pay more than Tk 50 for the food staple.

Besides, people like Ahsan have to pay more for edible oil recently amid reduced supply from refiners. This further deepens the hardships of commoners who have endured over 9 percent inflation for 23 consecutive months till January this year.

Moving on to the bigger macro picture, economists and businesspeople also see uncertainty heavily clouding the economic outlook.

"The economy is yet to emerge from the risks it faced six months ago, though there has been some relief in the form of improvements in certain indicators and containment from further deterioration," said Mustafizur Rahman, a distinguished fellow at the Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD).

Although inflation eased slightly in December and January, consumer prices still remained elevated. There has been a slowdown in investment and the generation of new jobs.

Over the past several years, private investment has remained stagnant at 23-24 percent of gross domestic product (GDP).

Besides, the recent trend of private sector credit growth offers no light at the end of the tunnel.

For the fifth consecutive month, loan flows to private firms have slowed due to uncertainty in the investment environment following the August political changeover.

In December, private sector credit growth decelerated to 7.28 percent year-on-year -- the slowest since at least 2015, according to data from the Bangladesh Bank.

Rahman, an economist who has closely followed Bangladesh's economy for decades, said the sluggishness drags on. "It appears that the economy has fallen into a vicious cycle," he said.

He cited the authorities' pursuit of a contractionary monetary policy, which has increased the cost of funds, inhibiting private investment.

The government's decision to raise value-added tax (VAT) on nearly 100 goods and services has stoked inflation and further eroded the purchasing power of ordinary citizens. Meanwhile, in the financial sector, default loans have continued to pile up, according to Rahman.

Taskeen Ahmed, president of the Dhaka Chamber of Commerce and Industry (DCCI), said the interim government took up key measures, including easing import restrictions and initiating reforms in critical areas such as banking, taxation and administration, in response to pressing economic challenges.

According to Ahmed, the economy has shown signs of turning around over the past six months, largely because of the resilience of people and the private sector.

"Despite these efforts, persistent challenges hinder progress," he said, citing GDP growth dropping to 1.81 percent in the first quarter of FY25, the lowest in four years, due to slowed investment and industrial stagnation.

Fiscal pressures, including a Tk 58,000 crore revenue shortfall from the target and weak credit growth further strain recovery, he said, adding that high inflation, supply chain disruptions, limited foreign direct investment (FDI) and a rising trend in non-performing loans continue to uncertainties.

"Business confidence is low," said the DCCI president.

Selim Raihan, executive director of the South Asian Network on Economic Modelling (Sanem), said the interim government inherited many economic challenges, including stubbornly high inflation and stagnation in investment.

"We hoped for a recovery. Except for some areas, we have not seen that," he said, noting increased export receipts, remittances and the containment of reserves.

However, he added, "Because of the government's failure to ensure law and order, there is a confidence deficit across the economy. The confidence crisis prevails among both investors and consumers."

He emphasised coordination among government agencies and coherence among advisers to steer the troubled economy and overall socio-political situation towards stabilisation.

"We have rather seen contradictory comments and positions among advisers," he said.

The recent vandalism at Dhanmondi-32 and across the country has had a negative impact, said Raihan.

"There are concerns that the fault lines in the economy may widen if the law and order situation does not improve. Given the current situation, I do not see any prospect for the economy to significantly turn around during the rest of the fiscal year," he concluded.

Mohammad Zaved Akhtar, president of the Foreign Investors' Chamber of Commerce & Industry (FICCI), said the business environment over the past few months has remained challenging due to sustained high inflation, deteriorating law and order and rising energy costs.

He said the devaluation of the local currency has further compounded the situation, increasing cost pressures for companies with foreign currency exposure.

Meanwhile, micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs) are struggling to operate as the cost of funds continues to rise amid climbing interest rates.

"While the reform initiatives undertaken so far offer some hope, what remains missing is any tangible change on the ground," said Akhtar, who is also the chairman and managing director of Unilever Bangladesh, the largest consumer goods maker in the country.

"If we fail to bring about necessary changes, the existing inadequacies will lead to a huge loss of investor confidence in the country," he noted.

To Asif Ibrahim, former president of the DCCI, major economic indicators over the past six months have been somewhat "bittersweet."

He cited improvements in some indicators, such as the current account balance, which turned positive, reaching $1.93 billion by the end of December last year -- an encouraging return from earlier deficits.

"Despite this improvement, concerns remain as private sector investments have declined remarkably due to ongoing uncertainty. If investor confidence is not restored, industrial production may suffer in the coming months," said Ibrahim.

For rickshaw puller Ahsan, the issue remains the same: improving law and order.

As he made his way from the capital's Banglamotor area to Farmgate, his voice carried both exhaustion and helplessness over the chaotic situation on the streets.

"Without a clear direction from the authorities, chaos rules the streets. Every day feels like a struggle, not just to earn a living, but to survive," he said.​

 

[Saif]

CA’s response should have come earlier

Everyone must respect the rule of law

www.thedailystar.net

CA’s response should have come earlier
Everyone must respect the rule of law

We endorse the chief adviser's recent statement urging all citizens to restore complete law and order and to ensure that there are no further attacks on properties associated with Sheikh Hasina, her family, others associated with the Awami League, or any citizen. We support his appeal to the citizens to abide by the law and to show the world that Bangladesh is a nation that respects the rule of law—this is what should differentiate the "new Bangladesh" from the autocratic regime it has now freed itself from. While empathising with people's pent-up anger against Hasina's tyrannical rule, he urged them not to undermine Bangladeshis' sense of security and stability and stated that disregarding the law endangers the lives and property of citizens.

All that he said in this statement can only be considered wise, sensible, and befitting of the head of government. However, it is a statement that has come after the fact, when it should have come long before, accompanied by strong preventive steps. We are baffled that the government did not take adequate measures to stop the attacks when it was quite clear from announcements on social media that they were imminent. What we saw unfold on our screens was a well-orchestrated series of attacks on properties all over Bangladesh, starting, of course, with Dhanmondi 32. Those who took part in this violence were no doubt provoked by Sheikh Hasina's call to her supporters to mobilise and march towards Road 32, as well as by another one of her regular hate speeches from Delhi, where she has taken refuge.

However, that this should result in such violent reactions in the form of vandalism and arson is unacceptable. These acts have only served to increase people's insecurity in an environment where incidents of lawlessness are occurring with a sense of impunity among those who want to indulge in violent acts and crime. They have also provided fodder for Indian media propaganda, portraying the country as one where militancy is being allowed to thrive. Most of all, it serves Sheikh Hasina's agenda to show the world that without her, the country has fallen into lawlessness and mayhem.

This is the last thing we, the people, or the interim government would want. Rights organisations and noted citizens have expressed their concern over the attacks and criticised the government for its failure to take preventive measures. The government has now stated that it will firmly resist attempts by individuals and groups to vandalise and set fire to establishments across the country. We hope these are not empty words and that the government's forces will take the necessary measures to ensure that no one feels emboldened to carry out attacks on any piece of property, regardless of who it is associated with.​

 

[Saif]

Mobs will be dealt with a firm hand from now on

Issuing a strong warning against any sort of mob violence, Mahfuj Alam, adviser to the interim government, said the government would handle such issues with an iron hand from now on.

www.thedailystar.net

Mobs will be dealt with a firm hand from now on
Says Mahfuj Alam

Photo: Collected

Issuing a strong warning against any sort of mob violence, Mahfuj Alam, adviser to the interim government, said the government would handle such issues with an iron hand from now on.

"If you support the mass uprising, stop engaging in mob actions. If you engage in mob actions, you will also be treated as a devil. After today's incident, no further requests will be made. It is not your job to take the law into your own hands," he wrote on his verified Facebook account today.

"From now on, we will firmly confront so-called movements and mob demonstrations. Any attempt to render the state ineffective and prove it to be a failure will not be tolerated in the slightest," the post read.

"Touhidi Janata! After a decade and a half, you have got the opportunity to practice your religion and culture in peace. Your recklessness or extremism is about to destroy that peace," reads his post.

Asking all to refrain from oppression, he wrote, "Refrain from oppression; otherwise, oppression against you will be inevitable."

He also shared a verse from the Quran that reads, "Do not oppress and do not be subjected to oppression."

"This is our final request to you!" concluded his post.​

 

[Saif]

Yunus calls for reconciliation

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday called for reconciliation.

www.thedailystar.net

Yunus calls for reconciliation
Pledges fair trial for those linked to fascist regime, says there will be no injustice

Photo: BSS

"The sacrifices were made because we stood against injustice. If we indulge in injustice, where is the difference between them and us?"— Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday called for reconciliation.

Yunus said the people linked to the ousted fascist government were still here. "They did not go anywhere… They will have to change to merge with us," he said while speaking at a meeting with the family members of July uprising victims at the Chief Adviser's Office.

He said if the elements of the ousted regime continue to demonstrate the same behaviour, it would not be tolerated.

"We will not indulge in injustice. Those who have broken the law will face the consequences. But to those who have not, we will tell them that 'you have caused me a lot of pain, but I will not do the same to you. This is your country too. The country belongs to all of us. We are all children of this soil'," he said.

Yunus went on to say, "They need to be brought to the right path. They need to be told that what you have done was wrong. You have to make them understand that their path is wrong and they should apologise for what they have done. This is how our country should move forward. Constant conflict will only hold us back."

"We have to win them over. If you think that you will hit them and they will hit back, then there will be no end to this. You have demanded justice and the government will complete the trial," he said, adding that justice cannot be served in hurry.


"The main thing about a trial is that it should be fair... There should be no injustice... The sacrifices were made because we stood against injustice. If we indulge in injustice, where is the difference between them and us?

Family members of July uprising martyrs and victims, who received financial assistance yesterday, pose for a photo with Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus at his Tejgaon office. Before that, the chief adviser inaugurated a programme for providing state help to the families of uprising victims. Photo: PID
"Our country's future depends on our ability to overcome conflict. We must find a way forward together," he said.

At the programme, the chief adviser reassured the families of the victims that all killings and enforced disappearances would be investigated, and the perpetrators would be brought to justice. He also urged them to be aware of any moves to perpetrate violence or cause bloodshed.

He inaugurated a government programme for providing state financial assistance to families of July uprising victims and martyrs by handing over 21 cheques.

Members of three families of martyrs and three protesters of the July uprising spoke at the meeting. They broke down in tears while describing their experiences.

They raised various issues, including receiving state honours, financial assistance, and rehabilitation.

The chief adviser said, "I think that the sacrifices of those, for which I can call my country a new Bangladesh, cannot be measured by any scale.

"You are living history. I am grateful to you … A nation that cannot remember its history, has no future. This recognition is my gratitude to you on behalf of the nation.

At the meeting, the injured and families of the martyred were informed about the government's programme.

"From today, the state has formally taken the responsibility of you," Yunus said.

The martyrs of the July uprising will be called "July shaheed" and the injured will be called "July joddha". Identity cards would be issued for them.

The family of each July shaheed would receive one-time financial assistance of Tk 30 lakh. Of the amount, Tk 10 lakh would be provided in national savings bonds in fiscal 2024-2025 and the remaining Tk 20 lakh would be given in the bonds in fiscal 2025-2026.

In addition, each July shaheed's family would get a monthly allowance of Tk 20,000. The shaheed's family members would get priority in government and semi-government jobs.

The July joddhas would get medical benefits in two categories.

The seriously injured ones would be given a one-time aid of Tk 5 lakh as per the "Category A".

Of the amount, Tk 2 lakh would be provided in cheque in fiscal 2024-2025 and Tk 3 lakh in fiscal 2025-2026.

In addition, each seriously injured July joddha would get a monthly allowance of Tk 20,000.

They would receive medical treatment at various government hospitals all their lives. They would also be able to get medical services at domestic and foreign hospitals on the recommendation of their medical boards.

In "Category B", the July joddhas would be given a one-time aid of Tk 3 lakh. Of the amount, Tk 1 lakh would be given in cheque in fiscal 2024-2025 and the remaining Tk 2 lakh in fiscal 2025-2026.

They would receive a monthly allowance of Tk 15,000.

July joddhas would also get priority in government and semi-government jobs.

So far, the government has published a list of 834 July shaheeds. The list of the injured will be published soon.

At the programme, Adviser Nahid Islam apologised for the delay in recognising the July shaheeds and July joddhas. He said the delay happened despite them being sincere about the issue.

Liberation War Affairs Adviser Faruk E Azam and Health Adviser Nurjahan Begum were present on the occasion.​

 

[Saif]

The mystery of who takes the decisions in the government, how and why

The interim government is the outcome of the mass uprising. The expectations from this government are massive. A large section of the people were ready to lend their cooperation to the government. However, from the way things look, it seems that the government is not paying attention to the...

en.prothomalo.com

The mystery of who takes the decisions in the government, how and why

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's house at Dhanmondi 32 has been razed to the ground with a bulldozer Prothom Alo

The interim government is the outcome of the mass uprising. The expectations from this government are massive. A large section of the people were ready to lend their cooperation to the government. However, from the way things look, it seems that the government is not paying attention to the tasks that should have been their priority.

Our concern lies in the fact that in certain instances it seems that the government does not exist in the country. The government that has emerged from the mass uprising has authority as well as responsibilities. But the government's activities display a discrepancy between its authority and its responsibilities. This was also evident in the destruction of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's house on Dhanmondi Road 32 and similar incidents all over the country.

We saw the destruction began with an announcement. Similar demolition took place in different places throughout the country. Initially the government said nothing. The manner in which bulldozers and other tools were used for the demolition, it was evident that government organisations were involved. The army has been given magistracy power, but they remained silent.

Many of those who called for the structures to be destroyed, are involved with various organisations of the government. After the damage was done, the chief advisor issued a statement calling for the destruction to stop. Three matters come to light in this entire incident. There was inattention on one hand, inaction and mystery. The mystery was , who is actually taking decisions in the government, how and why?

The justification being offered on Facebook by supporters of the government, the manner in which the advisors are speaking, sometimes create conflict. The consequence of this is that these actions which are being taken to, as announced, wipe out Awami League's existence from the country, are actually facilitating Awami League's rehabilitation or return.

The government must not tolerate any sort of discrimination, be it gender discrimination, racial discrimination, religious discrimination or any other form of discrimination, and take an active stance against any action that fosters such discrimination.

The incidents that are taking place are creating questions on an international level concerning the credibility of the present government. We are also concerned. In which direction is Bangladesh being led? There are assaults and attacks on baul songs, mazars (shrines) and sculptures. Who are the ones launching these attacks? What is the government doing to stop them?

The mass uprising took place with the aspiration for a Bangladesh free of discrimination, but is this being reflected in the interim government's performance? Quite contrary to the aspirations of the mass uprising, there are visible trends pointing to politics of discrimination and suppression, use of force and fear, creating alarm and attacks against creativity.

Had the Sheikh Hasina government, which was toppled in the mass uprising, been elected and democratic, then India would not have been able to enforce its dominance over Bangladesh in this manner. This was only possible due to the autocratic rule. This autocracy was a huge blessing for India. Giving shelter to Sheikh Hasina in New Delhi and carrying out all sorts of anti-Bangladesh propaganda is an outward expression of their fear that the dominance India had established over Bangladesh, will come crashing down. The more the anarchy and violence is unleashed in Bangladesh, the more effective will these be as tools for the BJP government.

From the statements and actions of Sheikh Hasina and the beneficiaries of her rule, it is evident that they do not have an iota of regret or remorse. If they take up a conspiracy, then the people of Bangladesh must thwart that. It is the interim government that has the main responsibility in this regard. But if the government's inattention leads to an increase in politics of violence and discrimination, if the people's security is at stake, then it will not be possible to tackle their conspiracies.

The government is not taking any palpable action regarding matters that required priority attention such as controlling the price of essentials. Had the government taken initiative and yet failed, even then people would have some understanding of the situation. The law and order situation, attacks, destruction, nothing is being controlled. This has led to a prevailing sense of insecurity. And as a result, there has been a significant wane in public support for the interim government.

An important point here is that it is being said that the angered public are carrying out these attacks. But the angered public has not done anything on its own. Certain persons and groups are deliberately provoking the public. Local and foreign elements could well be behind this politics and instigating this violence. It is the responsibility of the government to pinpoint this, resist this and clarify things to the people. The government's inaction in this area is a cause of concern.

Operation Devil Hunt naturally brings to mind past roles of the joint forces. The record of such operations by the joint forces under various governments is not very good.

During Awami League times, there was a formula to use the courts, the police and the joint forces and we are seeing a repetition of this now. Even the language being used is the same. The contradictory statements being made by the government remind us of the past government. They should have broken away from the mould. But this government seems to be reinforcing the mould.

The people may have certain specific demands from the government. Firstly, the government must make clear what they want to do. A consensus among those in the government must be made clear. Secondly, the various political quarters, the political parties are none too pleased with the interim government. The government should take this matter seriously. No political party is supporting the recent spate of violence. The chief advisor of the interim government is not supporting it either. That means these things are happening in face of the inefficiency or inattentiveness of those in power. The shortcomings must be identified and action taken accordingly.

Thirdly, the government must not tolerate any sort of discrimination, be it gender discrimination, racial discrimination, religious discrimination or any other form of discrimination, and take an active stance against any action that fosters such discrimination. There are indications of things that happened in the past like extrajudicial action, harassment, DB picking up persons and concocting stories.

If the government takes the decision that we will not follow the old ways, then half the problem is solved. The persons and institutions concerned must keep in mind the circumstances under which the government took over power and what responsibility has been bestowed on them.

The government must carry out the responsibility of coming up with reports for reforms. Given the emerging situation, it seems that the government's main task should be to go towards holding a credible election as soon as possible. The sooner they have hold a credible election, the sooner we will be saved from the prevailing state of uncertainty.

* Anu Muhammad is a teacher and editor of the quarterly journal Sarbajankatha

* This column appeared in the print an online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir​

 

[Bilal9]

Govt won't stand actions to destabilise country

The interim government yesterday expressed its deep concern over the "provocative actions by certain individuals and groups to destabilise the country" and vowed stern actions against the perpetrators

www.thedailystar.net

Govt won't stand actions to destabilise country

View attachment 14106

The interim government yesterday expressed its deep concern over the "provocative actions by certain individuals and groups to destabilise the country" and vowed stern actions against the perpetrators.

Referring to the attacks on various institutions and establishments across the country, Chief Adviser's Press Wing, in a statement, said, the government will firmly resist such acts.

The interim government is prepared to ensure the safety and security of all citizens and their properties, it added.

"If any attempt is made to destabilise the country through provocative actions, law enforcement agencies will take immediate and strict measures against the responsible individuals and groups and bring them to justice,' reads the statement.​

The longer they wait to nab the AL activists and the longer they wait to roll out reforms, the more the lawlessness will be easy to exploit by AL.

 

[Saif]

The longer they wait to nab the AL activists and the longer they wait to roll out reforms, the more the lawlessness will be easy to exploit by AL.

Your observation is correct

 

[Saif]

The honeymoon period of the interim government is over

What started as a moment of hope—a chance to break free from the chains of authoritarian rule—has increasingly turned into a struggle for meaningful reform.

www.thedailystar.net

The honeymoon period of the interim government is over

Visual: ANWAR SOHEl

Six months into the tenure of Bangladesh's interim government, led by Nobel laureate Dr Muhammad Yunus, the country finds itself at a crossroads. What started as a moment of hope—a chance to break free from the chains of authoritarian rule—has increasingly turned into a struggle for meaningful reform. While the government has made strides in establishing reform commissions and investigating past human rights abuses, the promises of democracy, stability, and prosperity remain unfulfilled. In this critical moment, it is time to ask: can the interim government truly deliver, or will it fall victim to the same pitfalls that have plagued Bangladesh's political system for decades?

The government came to power with lofty promises of change, yet six months later, much of that optimism has begun to fade. While some proposed reforms including limits on the prime minister's tenure and a bicameral parliament could pave the way for stronger democratic institutions, these reforms are yet to materialise. Besides, the public is growing frustrated because of the lack of a clear roadmap for the future.

The greatest test for the interim government remains the economy. With inflation continuing to rise and essential goods becoming increasingly unaffordable, many Bangladeshis are questioning whether the government truly has a handle on the economic crisis. Despite some signs of stabilisation in certain sectors, the majority of the population still feels the weight of economic hardship. The absence of real relief for the people, coupled with continued market manipulation by syndicates, has only deepened the distrust in the government's ability to address the crisis. Moreover, imposing VAT on some goods and services added salt to the wounds, further burdening ordinary citizens who are already struggling to make ends meet.

Political instability remains another pressing issue. The question of when the next general election will take place has become a political flashpoint. Dr Yunus's suggestion of holding elections between late 2025 and early 2026 may seem reasonable from a reform standpoint, but the opposition—led by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party—demands a vote by mid-2025. With no clear consensus on the election timeline, political uncertainty continues to fester. Moreover, allegations of government favouritism towards certain political groups have only deepened divisions, raising concerns about the neutrality of the administration.

If the interim government is to survive, it must address these challenges head-on. The lack of a concrete election roadmap is a major source of instability, and it must be resolved as quickly as possible. Similarly, the government must take decisive action to stabilise the economy, curb inflation, and rein in market manipulation. These are not easy tasks, but they are necessary for the long-term health of the country.

Equally pressing is the issue of law and order. The reluctance of the police force to take action, fuelled by fear of retaliation for their role in suppressing the July-August protests, has left a dangerous security vacuum. Crime and mob violence are on the rise, and the public is losing confidence in the ability of law enforcement to protect them. The government must take immediate steps to restore law and order, ensuring that the police are held accountable while also protecting the rights of the people.

However, perhaps the most daunting challenge the interim government faces lies within its own bureaucracy. Bangladesh's bureaucratic system is notorious for inefficiency, corruption, and an ingrained culture of authoritarianism. These issues are not easily addressed, and the government's struggle to reform the civil service is becoming increasingly apparent. The red tape and lack of accountability in public sector have often hindered progress on numerous fronts.

Despite the government's call for reform, many citizens still find themselves entangled in a web of bureaucracy that stifles action and delays change. Long-standing issues such as corruption, inefficiency, and the disregard for citizens' rights persist within the civil service. Public servants often prioritise loyalty to political figures over their duty to the people, and many bureaucrats seem more focused on maintaining the status quo than implementing much-needed reforms. The situation has become so dire that even simple requests for services often result in frustration, delays, and, at times, exploitation.

The reform of this bureaucratic system is crucial if Bangladesh is to break free from its cycle of inefficiency and corruption. However, the government has been slow to tackle these deep-rooted problems. The failure to reform the civil service is not just an administrative issue—it's a political one. Without addressing these systemic issues, the government will continue to be undermined by the very institutions it seeks to change. Reforming the bureaucracy is not a matter of tinkering with policies; it requires a fundamental shift in the culture and operations of the civil service.

Finally, the government must confront the spectre of past crimes and human rights abuses. The previous regime, led by the Awami League, is guilty of numerous atrocities, and many of its members have yet to be held accountable. The investigation process has been slow, and many ask whether those responsible will ever face justice. The interim government must ensure the judicial process remains independent and transparent, allowing for true accountability without political interference.

The time for empty promises and political gamesmanship is over. If the interim government is to succeed, it must act swiftly and decisively. The people of Bangladesh deserve a government that will put their needs first, not one that is bogged down by bureaucracy, political favouritism, and economic mismanagement. True reform will require more than just words—it will require action, accountability, and a clear vision for the future.

In the coming months, the government will face a crucial test: can it overcome the challenges that have plagued Bangladesh's political system for so long, or will it become just another failed experiment in transitional rule? The answer will determine not only the future of this government but the future of Bangladesh itself.

Mohammad Al-Masum Molla is a journalist at The Daily Star.​

 

[Saif]

Interim govt cannot afford to fail on reforms: CA

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus stated that without reforms to the state structure, all efforts by the interim government will be ineffective.

www.thedailystar.net

Interim govt cannot afford to fail on reforms: CA

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus stated that without reforms to the state structure, all efforts by the interim government will be ineffective.

"We have no chance to fail (over reforms). We don't want to fail," he told the National Consensus Commission's first meeting with the Foreign Service Academy's political parties here this afternoon.

Prof Yunus said all countries -- small, medium and big ones -- have support the Bangladesh interim government.

"Once we talk to them (global leaders), they ask what you seek, we will give all...we do not want to leave this opportunity," he said.

Calling the reform proposals of the six reform commissions as valuable assets, the chief adviser said all should help the interim government implement the reform proposals.

Prof Yunus also said the recent UN Fact-Finding report has revealed the atrocities of the ousted government.

Referring to his recent visit to Aynaghar, the secret torture cells, he said the Commission on the Inquiry of Enforced Disappearance has presented the experiences of the victims of the enforced disappearance in its report.

He stressed the need to implement the reform proposals so that no one could raise questions about the next elected government.

Keeping that in mind, the chief adviser said decisions on reform proposals should be taken as soon as possible to start work on those.

A BNP delegation, led by its Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir participated in the meeting. Representatives from other political parties and the chiefs of the six reform commissions were present at the meeting, too.

On Thursday, the interim government formed the seven-member 'National Consensus Commission', led by Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus, to discuss with the political parties the recommendations of the six commissions aimed at reaching a consensus on a number of political, constitutional and electoral reform agendas.

The other members of the commission are Prof Ali Riaz, head of the Constitutional Reform Commission; Abdul Muyeed Chowdhury, head of Public Administration Reform Commission; Safar Raj Hossain, head of Police Reform Commission; Badiul Alam Majumder, head of Election Reform Commission; Justice Emdadul Haque, head of Judiciary Reform Commission; and Dr Iftekharuzzaman, head of Anti-Corruption Reform Commission.​

 

[Saif]

সরকারের প্রথম অধ্যায় শেষ, দ্বিতীয় পর্ব শুরু: ড. ইউনূস

 

[Saif]

No establishments to be named after interim govt members: adviser

He said the interim government's main task is to transition to a well-governed democratic system, not to fulfil everyone's demands

www.thedailystar.net

No establishments to be named after interim govt members: adviser

Education and Planning Adviser Wahiduddin Mahmud has said that no establishment will be named after the members of interim government.

"Those in government will not even go anywhere to lay foundation stone," he told reporters after the working session of the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Planning on the first day of the District Commissioners' Conference at the Osmani Memorial Auditorium today.

He said the interim government's main task is to transition to a well-governed democratic system, not to fulfil everyone's demands.

The adviser added that an election is coming and the main job of the interim government is pave the path for a good election and work on how to make that election fair. "District commissioners can be our most powerful tool in achieving a fair election," he added.

He also advised commissioners to leave a lasting legacy in their cities, such as creating a pond, stadium, school, or park, so that people would remember them.

He noted that while many projects were once attributed to district commissioners, today everything is done in the name of politicians.​

 

[Saif]

Challenges interim govt faces

Political instability evidently impacts business and growth. The economy that Bangladesh's interim government inherited from the past authoritarian regime was already a severely mauled and malfunctioning one. Even so, as the incumbent interim government is now in charge, it has to accept the blame,

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Challenges interim govt faces
SYED FATTAHUL ALIM
Published :
Feb 24, 2025 00:19
Updated :
Feb 24, 2025 00:19

Political instability evidently impacts business and growth. The economy that Bangladesh's interim government inherited from the past authoritarian regime was already a severely mauled and malfunctioning one. Even so, as the incumbent interim government is now in charge, it has to accept the blame, vicariously though, for anything going wrong with the economy. Since economy is not an island functioning independently of politics, it cannot be expected to do well unless the traditional parties that were in favour of the change but not at the forefront of the uprising and the student-led political force that spearheaded the political upheaval are able to see eye to eye in the post-changeover dispensation. Undeniably, the violent political change of August 5, 2024 was not a run-of-the-mill event like election through which governments in democracies change hands.

The people took part in the bloody revolutionary political events with the hope that it would finally put an end to the old way of politics. They expect that there will be some radical changes in the political system so that they may not again be trapped in the kind of political nightmare they experienced during the last 15 plus years. Obviously, the post-uprising interim government has to meet the expectations of the people who want radical reforms to the prevailing political order. But for it to do so would require cooperation from all the political entities who want change. In this connection, some political analysts and traditional political parties are questioning if the interim government has the mandate in the first place to take up the task of, say, reforming the constitution, the election commission, anti-corruption commission, human rights commission and different departments of the administration.

Well, one cannot deny that the war of independence was a revolutionary event. So, the government that took power after the independence war was a revolutionary one, not an elected one. The members of that government comprised parliamentarians from a pre-independence legislature whose election was held in 1970 under a legal framework created by the order of the then-military dictator of Pakistan,Yahiya Khan. So, though post-Independence force of political change was not an elected one, it still had the legitimacy to form a government, frame constitution and do all other functions of a government and no one questioned it. Who gave that mandate to the post-liberation government? It is the people who fought the revolutionary independence war that gave it the legitimacy to rule and the mandate to bring about the expected changes in the administration and society.

So, it is not true that election is the only source of popular mandate to govern a country and effect necessary reforms. Question may also be raised about the duration of the revolutionary struggle as an argument for earning the right to or legitimacy of assuming political power. History provides ample evidence of short-lived revolutionary events putting a political force in power with massive popular support. Revolutionary change of August 5 of 2024, too, has given the incumbent interim government the popular mandate to carry out the reforms and other tasks based on which future elected governments will be able to present the people with a political order that is not old wine in a new bottle. That is why a consensus among all the existing political forces supporting the change and the new political force emerging from the July-August uprising is necessary to bring about the political change for which so many people laid down their lives. The sooner such political understanding is reached, the better would it be for the interim government to perform its task of creating the platform for the future elected government to carry further forward the undertakings of the sanguinary July-August revolt. To that end, the incumbent government should be enabled to lay the groundwork for building the longed-for changes. But at the same time, along with political order, the economy needs also to be rebuilt virtually from scratch as it suffered the mindless depredations of the forces that the authoritarian regime unleashed. So, of the many multifaceted challenges the interim government has been grappling with are a legacy of the past that include high inflation, hollowed out banks, precariously shrunken foreign exchange reserve, to mention but a few. How is then the economy faring in the new year under the interim government? Going by what the central bank stated following presentation of its monetary policy statement, there are still multiple hurdles to face in the second half of the current fiscal year (2024-25). The GDP growth will continue to plod along within 4.0 to 5.0 percent range.

It is yet to recover the output losses due to natural calamities immediately after political changeover, the social instability attributable to the post-uprising jolt society received. Then comes the issues of labour unrest, supply chain disruptions, shortage in gas supply slowing down industrial production and worsening unemployment situation. The government is also to continue the work of balancing fiscal and monetary reforms, restore confidence in the financial system to pave the way for sustained stability and growth. Meanwhile, export and remittance, the two main sources of the country's hard currency earning, seem to have been looking up. In the first half of FY25, export grew by 12.8 per cent, thanks to the impressive performance of the knitwear and womenswear. The inward remittance, too, grew by 24 per cent during the first half of FY25. No doubt, these developments indicate a sign of confidence both in the government and the economy.

However, there is still a long way to go for attaining a semblance of stability and growth. There is hardly any reason to be optimistic about the prospects of the economy for the second half of the FY25. Time is short for the interim government to get the economy back on track and carry out the reforms. So, it deserves the required cooperation and support from all stakeholders to complete the reforms it is tasked with.​

 

[Saif]

When will the home adviser wake up?

Adviser Jahangir Alam appears to have gone out his way to remain elusive to the press

www.thedailystar.net

When will the home adviser wake up?

Home Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury. Photo: Collected

Home Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury called for a press briefing at 3:00am today. Unprecedented as it was, the alert sent shockwaves through the newsrooms.

But when the home adviser began the briefing at his DOHS Baridhara home, it turned out to be nothing more than routine.

He said the government was aware of the law-and-order situation. Cohorts of the Awami League regime are trying to destabilise the country, the adviser said. "But we will not let it happen. All forces will resist it."

"I instructed law enforcement agencies to beef up their patrolling so that no such incidents happen from tomorrow [today] onwards. If the law enforcement agencies do not execute my order, we will take action against the officers concerned.

"Law and order situation will not further deteriorate, rather it will improve," he said.

Was this really something that warranted a press briefing at three o'clock?

This press briefing came following calls for his resignation from a number of demonstrations yesterday. Women were on the streets under a banner that said '17 rapes in 24 hours'. Eden College students took to the streets, saying they did not feel safe on the roads.

The same evening, a mosque at Shankar in Dhaka announced in the evening that a gang wielding sharp weapons was roaming the streets. At least two video clips went viral. One showed muggers hacking and shooting a man and snatching a bag full of cash and gold. While mugging has become unremarkable around Dhaka's residential neighbourhoods, thefts and highway robberies are fast becoming commonplace. Fed up, Dhaka University campus erupted in protests. Students demanded that the home adviser resigns.

It was in this context that the home adviser called his briefing only to accuse Awami League cohorts of the crimes, which was reminiscent of how the previous regime would blame Jamaat-e-Islami for anything that went wrong in this country.

He said law and order had improved from before and would improve even further. And with that reassurance, the home boss went back to his house.

Adviser Jahangir Alam appears to have gone out his way to remain elusive to the press. He seldom takes questions, let alone sit for interviews, where he might be held accountable. He has hardly shown any initiative since he took office and even yesterday, it dawned on him to call for a press conference in the middle of the night only to say that there was nothing to fear.

That the home adviser is incapable of grasping the seriousness of the matter could not be more evident than what he had to say to the press earlier today.​

 

[Saif]

Real action needed to curb crime in Bangladesh

The home affairs adviser must provide a clear plan to address public insecurity.

www.thedailystar.net

Real action needed to curb crime in Bangladesh
The home affairs adviser must provide a clear plan to address public insecurity

VISUAL: STAR

We are quite worried about the deteriorating law and order situation in Dhaka and across the country. The severity of the crisis was evident on Sunday night when multiple serious crimes were reported in different parts of the capital within just a few hours. In recent times, there has been a noticeable increase in criminal activities in the city, prompting public outrage both online and offline. The situation outside Dhaka is equally dire. All this has created an environment of fear where citizens no longer feel safe going out alone.

Sunday night's incidents justified this growing insecurity. For example, a 43-year-old jewellery shop owner was attacked right in front of his house by miscreants who shot him in both legs when he tried to stop them from snatching away his belongings. Elsewhere, muggers robbed two women on a rickshaw just after midnight, the video footage of which went viral.

Naturally, public outrage is mounting, and most of it is directed at the home adviser now. The measures he has taken to improve security seem to have largely failed. Even the much-publicised Operation Devil Hunt—resulting in 8,664 arrests in 16 days—has not made a noticeable difference. Against this backdrop, the home adviser called a sudden press conference at three in the morning on Monday, where he claimed that the law and order situation had "largely improved" since he assumed office, and would continue to do so. He also alleged that cohorts of the ousted Awami League were behind the present security crisis.

However, while his warning about Awami League is one shared by many, his optimistic assessment about law and order does not reflect reality. We are also baffled by his decision to hold a press conference in the middle of the night—an unprecedented move—just to offer routine assurances without providing any concrete plans for tackling crime. This came across as particularly tone-deaf given that, just hours earlier, hundreds of protesters at Dhaka University were demanding his resignation for his failure to ensure public safety. Even on Monday, protesters demanding the same staged a sit-in in front of Shikkha Bhaban after police blocked their march towards the home ministry.

Rather than addressing these concerns with transparency and accountability—which the interim government vowed to uphold when it first took over—the adviser instead put all eggs in the basket of faceless conspirators. This does little to inspire public confidence. Perhaps it is time for a performance evaluation of top government officials. If Awami League's cohorts are indeed behind rising crime, this is not just a law and order issue but a political one as well. The government should deal with it accordingly, along with its political stakeholders. But at the same time, it must take more effective steps to curb crime in Dhaka and elsewhere.​