[🇧🇩] Everything about the interim government and its actions

[Saif]

Unemployment in Bangladesh, root cause of Uprising, persists, says Advisor Asif Mahmud

Unemployment was at the core of the July Uprising that toppled the Awami League regime, but Bangladesh has not been able to deal with the problem, Youth Advisor Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuyain has said. On Thursday, Asif, a former representative of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement, said though

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Unemployment in Bangladesh, root cause of Uprising, persists, says Advisor Asif Mahmud

bdnews24.com
Published :
Jul 17, 2025 21:24
Updated :
Jul 17, 2025 21:24

Unemployment was at the core of the July Uprising that toppled the Awami League regime, but Bangladesh has not been able to deal with the problem, Youth Advisor Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuyain has said.

On Thursday, Asif, a former representative of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement, said though employment issues cannot be resolved overnight, not much progress has been made.

“Given that 63 percent of our population is under the age of 35, an unprecedented figure, very few countries face a similar demographic challenge.”

Speaking at a workshop in the Bangladesh Investment Development Authority (BIDA), he acknowledged that unemployment remains “Bangladesh’s biggest challenge”, yet admitted the state has been unable to take sufficient action due to structural and capacity limitations.

“We are perhaps not being able to work at the scale and volume that is necessary, due to limitations in capacity,” said Asif.

“Still, we are trying to work efficiently and are focusing on shaping our future responses accordingly.”

While managing ministerial responsibilities, Asif also identified himself as part of the youth cohort.

“I said 63 percent of our population is youth. If we fail to properly utilise this youth segment—I am also one of them—then we can’t expect great outcomes.”

He added that current employment capacities are insufficient and urged greater support for young entrepreneurs.

“Given our real employment capacity, we must help our entrepreneurs far more than we currently do.”

Asif also stressed the need for stronger coordination across government departments and agencies to enable this support.​

 

[Saif]

Another govt exists inside interim govt: Debapriya Bhattacharya

Debapriya Bhattacharya, a distinguished fellow at Centre for Policy Dialogue, has opined there is another government inside the incumbent interim government.

en.prothomalo.com

Another govt exists inside interim govt: Debapriya Bhattacharya
Staff CorrespondentDhaka
Updated: 23 Jul 2025, 17: 53

Debapriya Bhattacharya, a distinguished fellow at the Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD), addresses a roundtable at the Prothom Alo office in Karwan Bazar, Dhaka on 23 July 2025.Sazid Hossain

Debapriya Bhattacharya, a distinguished fellow at the private research organisation Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD), has said there is another government inside the incumbent interim government.

He said, “The question regarding the neutrality of the government, especially from the perspective of party allegiance, has become very important now. Because it has somewhat been clear now that, in fact, there is another government inside those who we officially see as the government. It is an open secret. The government must prove its neutrality now.”

Debapriya Bhattacharya made these remarks while addressing a roundtable at the Prothom Alo office in Karwan Bazar, Dhaka on Wednesday. Prothom Alo organised the roundtable titled ‘July mass uprising: One year experience and future’.

A one-minute silence was observed at the beginning of the event to mourn the victims of the air force fighter jet crash into the Milestone School campus in Uttara.

A one-minute silence is observed at the beginning of the roundtable titled ‘July mass uprising: One year experience and future’ organised by Prothom Alo in Karwan Bazar, Dhaka on 23 July 2025 to mourn the victims of the air force fighter jet crash into the Milestone School campus in the capital’s Uttara.

A one-minute silence is observed at the beginning of the roundtable titled ‘July mass uprising: One year experience and future’ organised by Prothom Alo in Karwan Bazar, Dhaka on 23 July 2025 to mourn the victims of the air force fighter jet crash into the Milestone School campus in the capital’s Uttara.Sazid Hossain

He said, “We brought a new government to power in the spirit of anti-discrimination, but they could not reflect the spirit of anti-discrimination in economic management and reform process. The government maintains no clear moral stance.”

“The government is mulling economic expansion and standing for the weak communities on the basis of the universal human rights, but they are yet to take measures to identify that weak community to stand beside them. Since there is a possibility of reform, this did not even cover the manufacturing entrepreneur class let alone the poor class,” he added.

Debapriya Bhattacharya said that two fundamental questions have now come to the fore. One is the issue of an interim government—meaning it has a beginning and, it must also end after a clearly defined and limited period. It is time to bring this point forward: that this is not an eternal government, but an interim one. If it is indeed an interim government, then two questions, which are unsettling everyone—at least unsettling him—must be addressed. The first is the government’s neutrality. The neutrality of the interim government has now come to the fore as a major issue.

When the issue of a government’s neutrality is spoken of, it does not refer to the fundamental ideological neutrality, because a government will stand with marginalised people. A crisis has arisen in this regard because disadvantaged communities are feeling even more vulnerable and endangered. Much like during the regime of an authoritarian government, women, religious minorities, ethnic minorities—let alone people with gender diversity—are being pushed to the margins. This has become another concern, he added.

Debapriya further said the question of the government's neutrality has now become especially important from the perspective of party allegiance.

"This issue has gained importance because it has become fairly clear that the people we formally see as the government are not the only ones running it; there is another government within it. It is an open secret now that there is another government within government," he added.

Debapriya said the core power within the government is now so influential that the formal government cannot always act even within its desired jurisdiction.

So the need to reestablish the government's neutrality has become urgent, the CPD distinguished pointed out.

Raising a question on whether the interim government can even hold a fair election, Debapriya Bhattacharya said, “A real election is essential—not an election based on compromises, backroom deals, or seat-sharing, where people will live in peace after casting vote, as well the days after election. This leads to the second major concern: maintaining peace and security during the election. We have understood very well that this cannot be achieved through just administrative power or existing law enforcement agencies. This will not be possible without a significant role for the military. I simply understand the military would need to be deployed for three to four months and must begin by recovering illegal arms. Similarly, the military may need to work jointly with the local administration in other ways.”

In that case, the military will require a little more direct and active role going beyond the traditional roles of ‘in aid to civil administration’ or as a ‘striking force’, Debapriya said adding, the relationship between the government and the military has become a cause for public concern. As a result, the government’s neutrality and capability are now the two biggest questions.

“Since this is an interim government, the government should now prepare a desk-clearing list. If the honourable chief adviser delivers a speech to the nation, I expect that he will clarify how he intends to conclude his role. The chief adviser should clearly outline which reform initiatives he plans to complete, and where he expects to contribute or participate,” he added.

Debapriya further said that reform is an ongoing process. Political leaders must now present their election manifestos. Civil society, media, and entrepreneurs should engage in discussion or even protest on those manifestos, if necessary. The country will remain, the people will remain, but governments will come and go. With that mindset, the nation must move from this current transitional phase to the next stage.

“I feel it was more important to focus on the next year’s exit strategy —what it should be and what is needed to make it happen, rather than reviewing the past year,” he added.

Writer and thinker Farhad Mazhar; Hossain Zillur Rahman, executive chairman of Power and Participation Research Centre (PPRC); Anu Muhammad, member of Ganatantrik Odhikar Committee and former professor of Jahangirnagar University; senior Supreme Court lawyer Sara Hossain; writer and researcher Altaf Parvez; professor Saeed Ferdous; filmmaker Kamar Ahmad Saimon; writer and political analyst Zahed Ur Rahman; writer and researcher Maha Mirza; and research specialist at Press Institute of Bangladesh Sahul Ahmed, among others, participated in the event.​

 

[Saif]

Interim govt committed to restoring state power to people: Prof Yunus

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus on Monday said the interim government is committed to restoring the state power to people through a peaceful, fair and transparent election, as part of a sustainable political solution. In a message on the occasion of the July Uprising Day, he also said, &ldq

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Interim govt committed to restoring state power to people: Prof Yunus

UNB
Published :
Aug 04, 2025 17:51
Updated :
Aug 04, 2025 17:51

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus on Monday said the interim government is committed to restoring the state power to people through a peaceful, fair and transparent election, as part of a sustainable political solution.

In a message on the occasion of the July Uprising Day, he also said, “To accelerate our democratic journey, dialogue continues with political parties and stakeholders on necessary reforms, including the political and electoral systems.”

The Chief Adviser called upon all to stand united beyond all divisions to confront and defeat all threats to the nation. “Together, we will build a Bangladesh where tyranny will never rise again.”

He said July rekindled the nation’s hope, a hope for a just, equal and corruption-free Bangladesh.

Prof Yunus said the sacrifice of thousands has gifted the country’s people this rare opportunity for national reform, and it must be protected at any cost.

He also warned that the fallen autocrats and their self-serving allies remain active, conspiring to derail the country’s progress.

“Today marks an unforgettable chapter in the history of Bangladesh. It was on this very day, one year ago, that the July Uprising reached its triumph, liberating our beloved nation from the grip of long-standing fascist rule,” the Chief Adviser said.

He extended his heartfelt congratulations to the people of Bangladesh whose united struggle brought about this historic achievement.

“On this solemn day, I remember with deep reverence the brave youth, workers, labourers and professionals who sacrificed their lives while confronting the fascist forces. My profound respect goes to every martyr of the uprising,” Prof Yunus said.

He also remembered with deep gratitude all the July warriors who were injured, permanently disabled and even lost their eyesight. “The nation shall forever honour their sacrifices.”

Stating that the July Uprising was a collective eruption against sixteen years of oppressive authoritarian misrule, the Chief Adviser said, “At its core, it was a fight to establish a new system free from discrimination, corruption and tyranny. The goal was to restore democracy and return the country to the hands of its people.”

Since assuming responsibility, he said the interim government has undertaken extensive reform efforts across all sectors of the state to fulfill these aspirations.

“The trials related to the July killings are progressing swiftly. Measures have been initiated to preserve the memory of the July martyrs and rehabilitate the injured July fighters,” the Chief adviser added.​

 

[Saif]

Interim government: How can it meet its commitment?

A constituent assembly would be obligated to implement reforms in the July Charter and the interim government would be able to step down with dignity

en.prothomalo.com

Interim government: How can it meet its commitment?
Syed Hasibuddin Hussain
Published: 04 Aug 2025, 08: 34

Chief advisor of the interim government Professor Muhammad Yunus

Awami League loyalists who have fled and are in hiding, continue to claim that the Yunus government is unelected and illegal, and that they do not even have the authority to declare the date for the forthcoming election.

On the other hand, some intellectuals and many from the more impassioned ranks of the movement, argue that since a revolution has taken place and the current government is the outcome of a collective popular will, it is not only legitimate but is in fact duty-bound to discard the old system entirely and rebuild the country with a new constitution.

Our experience, however, suggests that this government itself does not believe it has the authority to start from scratch or to make any bold decisions. Foreign agencies and investors have sensed this weakness and are refraining from entering into any agreements until an elected government is in place.

Meanwhile, they too understand that an interim government lacks the clear-cut legitimacy to sign binding deals. Even when this government receives proposals from reform commissions it has formed itself, it makes no effort to implement them. Instead, it shelves them for the next government. That indicates it does not consider itself authorised to carry out reforms either.

When Hasina fled, the public was relieved when army chief Wakar-Uz-Zaman stepped in to take control of the situation, because a power vacuum at the heart of the state threatens national stability. Later, when Prof Yunus assumed charge under the stewardship of President Shahabuddin Chuppu, people felt reassured to see a legitimate civilian government in power.

The problem remains that even if a constituent assembly is elected, that alone may not be enough to prevent the return of autocracy, because the elected representatives in that assembly may choose not to prioritise that.

The legitimacy of this interim government stemmed from the continuity of the existing constitution. Yet, although that continuity was preserved, the Yunus government’s authority ultimately derived from the uprising itself. And since the uprising was not merely about changing power but about ensuring that autocracy could never return, the Yunus government’s legitimacy lay in its mandate to prevent the restoration of dictatorship.

The question is: what are the limits of this interim government's legitimate authority? Since the interim government was formed within the continuity of the existing constitution, it does not have the authority to amend that constitution. And because it has no legislature or parliament, it also lacks the power to make laws. However, as the executive head of the state, the interim government does have the authority to issue decrees.

The question is, can they use decrees to carry out the necessary reforms to ensure that autocracy does not return? The answer is, no. Without constitutional and legal reforms, they cannot prevent the return of authoritarianism.

To change laws, a parliament is required. Since this government does not have an elected parliament, it can attempt to organise parliamentary elections and, through that elected body, enact the necessary legislation. But changing laws alone will not be enough to prevent a return to dictatorship. Fundamental constitutional reform is required to restore a balance of power.

It is under the current constitution that members of parliament take their oath, and therefore, they do not have the mandate to alter the constitution fundamentally. Their power extends only to amendments. Fundamental reforms to the constitution can only be made by an especially empowered body of elected representatives, what is known as a constituent assembly.

Since it is not drafting an entirely new constitution, we may also refer to this body as a constitutional reform assembly. The purpose of electing a constituent assembly is either to draft a new constitution or to carry out fundamental reforms of the existing one.

That means if the interim government merely holds an election to transfer power, it does not fulfill its full mandate. But if it holds an election for a constituent assembly to reform the constitution, then it sets the path toward fulfilling its responsibility.

However, the problem remains that even if a constituent assembly is elected, that alone may not be enough to prevent the return of autocracy, because the elected representatives in that assembly may choose not to prioritise that goal.

The solution to this problem can be found in the history of our own region. After the fall of Ayub Khan, the need to resolve the constitutional imbalance between West and East Pakistan became urgent. That’s why, when Yahya Khan announced the 1970 election, he issued the Legal Framework Order (LFO), under which the election was intended to form a constituent assembly. The objectives of that constituent assembly were clearly outlined in the LFO.

That means the way for this interim government to fulfill its promise is to formulate a new Legal Framework Order and hold elections for a constituent assembly. Fortunately, the July Charter being drafted by the Consensus Commission reflects a consensus among all political parties.

This charter could serve as today’s Legal Framework Order. A constituent assembly formed on the basis of this charter would be obligated to implement all the reforms outlined in the July Charter. And if that happens, the interim government’s pledge would be fulfilled and it would be able to step down with dignity by transferring power to an elected government under the newly reformed constitution.

* Syed Hasibuddin Hossain is an activist of the Rasthra Sangskar Anodolan​

 

[Saif]

Conscious effort is made not to take sides with any party

Professor Asif Nazrul is the law adviser to the interim government. In an interview with Prothom Alo, he speaks on a range of issues, including the government’s successes and failures over the past year, justice for the July killings, indiscriminate cases and arrests, mob violence, allegations...

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Interview: Asif Nazrul
Conscious effort is made not to take sides with any party
Law Adviser Asif Nazrul during an interview with Prothom Alo

Professor Asif Nazrul is the law adviser to the interim government. In an interview with Prothom Alo, he speaks on a range of issues, including the government’s successes and failures over the past year, justice for the July killings, indiscriminate cases and arrests, mob violence, allegations of political bias, social inequality, the Pay Commission for public servants, elections, and the ban on Awami League activities. The interview was taken by Rajib Ahmed on 1 August at the official residence of the Law Adviser. Today we present the second part of the interview.

Prothom Alo: The government will complete one year at the helm on 8 August. Is there any possibility of reshuffling based on performance? You would perhaps agree that some advisers have done well, while others have not quite measured up.

Asif Nazrul We face a lot of criticism, often quite harsh. But when I look at everyone individually, many among us are doing a very good job. Our economic adviser, Salehuddin Ahmed bhai, energy adviser, Fouzul Kabir bhai, and trade adviser, Sheikh Bashiruddin bhai are all doing well. Our religious affairs adviser AFM Khalid Hossain bhai has done an excellent job with Hajj management. I could name others too.

As for failures, it would not be appropriate for me to name names, that is for you to judge.

But we all have a sense, from Sir’s (Professor Yunus’) body language and his way of working, how much he values each of our contributions.

Prothom Alo: Let me ask a follow-up question. During the previous government’s tenure, we saw that no matter how much criticism there was, Sheikh Hasina never replaced anyone. She didn’t take heed of any criticism. Will this government follow the same path?

Asif Nazrul No, but then some of the criticism is extremely harsh. If someone is to be removed on the basis of that kind of criticism, then criticism could start against everyone.

Prothom Alo : But isn’t there also reasonable, valid criticism?

Asif Nazrul In such cases, things have to be considered in totality. For instance, something may seem like reasonable criticism, but if Sir (Professor Yunus) is not convinced, based on intelligence reports or other information, then taking action might discourage the concerned persons.
Some of us may have shortcomings, or be accused of inexperience. But have you heard of any allegations of corruption? There may be some campaigns against one or two individuals, but those aren’t based on proven facts. Do you hear accusations that we don’t show up to work? That we engage in nepotism? You don’t.

Prothom Alo: We've heard that some advisers show up at the office after 2 PM. We're only talking about one or two individuals, no one is saying the entire advisory council should go.

Asif Nazrul I'm not quite aware of that.

Prothom Alo : When it comes to decision-making and discussions in the advisory council, is there ever a concern that outsiders might get to know what's being discussed?

Asif Nazrul I don’t think so. There is no gap between the army and the government. It is for the election commission to decide if during the election more responsibility needs to be given to the army.

Prothom Alo : Given concerns about law and order and possible disruptions to the election, do you believe you will be able to deliver a free and fair election?

Asif Nazrul Absolutely, we will.

Prothom Alo : Some say that without a more active role by the army, it won’t be possible to hold a fair election. There's also talk of a distance between the military and the government.

Asif Nazrul There is absolutely no distance, rest assured. These are simply far-fetched speculations. In fact, some external forces have unfairly tried to blame the army in certain situations. Speaking as someone who was on the ground during the mass uprising, I can say that although the army is a branch of the government, it played a supportive role in the uprising as a whole. Sadly, some segments of society do not respect that. Yes, it’s possible that, in isolated cases, some individuals within the army may have engaged in reprehensive acts, but overall, their role was highly commendable. What I’m saying is, there is no gap between the army and the government. It is for the election commission to decide if during the election more responsibility needs to be given to the army.

Prothom Alo: Does the government have any partiality towards the new party, National Citizen Party (NCP)? Many say two government advisers are affiliated with them.

Asif Nazrul At the decisive moment of the mass uprising, it was undoubtedly led by students, no one can deny that. When our government was formed, I remember hearing criticism about why there were so few student advisers. So when some friends of those student advisers formed a party, it may have seemed in some instances that the government was giving NCP special privileges. But in reality, that is not so.

Because of their leading role in the uprising, NCP is highly vulnerable. That is why they’ve been given extra security in places like Gopalganj and a few other areas. BNP and Jamaat are long-established, well-organised parties. NCP is not. If something happens to them, if they’re attacked anywhere, will the public forgive us?

Prothom Alo : From the way NCP leaders speak, they hardly seem vulnerable.

Asif Nazrul In my view, a newly formed party can have many supporters, but they still don’t have many organisers or much experience. There’s another reason they need protection: NCP leaders are likely to be the first targets of the fallen Awami League.

We have intelligence reports indicating that Awami League instigated several protests against the government, including unrest involving Ansar personnel. There is credible evidence supporting this.

Prothom Alo: What would you say in response to the claim that you are distant from BNP but close to the religion-based parties? BNP secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir has expressed concern about the rise of right-wing forces.

Asif Nazrul During the 15 years of Awami League rule, the religion-based parties were subjected to severe injustice and repression.

Prothom Alo : BNP too has been a victim of injustice and repression.

Asif Nazrul Among centrist parties, it’s BNP. But in terms of numbers, the religion-based parties are greater. They have endured extreme persecution, arrests, disappearances, and they played a significant role during the July uprising. Naturally, we have to engage with them.

Prothom Alo : Engagement is expected. But the question is, are you closer to them than to the BNP?

Asif Nazrul Some say we’re close to NCP, others say to the religious parties. After the London meeting between Professor Yunus and BNP’s acting chairman Tarique Rahman, some even claimed that the government is close to BNP. But when it comes to decision-making, we consciously and deliberately avoid taking the side of any party.

Prothom Alo : In some rallies, there were threats made to behead members of civil society. Yet no action was taken. Why?

Asif Nazrul I think the police, who were supposed to take action, thought this was just political rhetoric. Taking action might provoke extremism further, and it might not be good for the safety of those involved. From what I’ve seen, the people who were threatened haven’t really reduced their public engagement. When running the state, you sometimes have to consider whether taking action might escalate things further.

Prothom Alo: Awami League's activities are now banned. Many people support the ban remaining in effect until the trials are over. But some are asking whether an executive order preventing Awami League from contesting the elections might raise questions abroad.

Asif Nazrul Those who want to raise questions will raise them anyway. But just look, there is no remorse within Awami League. On the contrary, their leader and other senior figures are claiming we committed the massacre and are openly declaring that if they return to power, they will take revenge and hang us.

Can you run a country while allowing political activities by a party that talks like this and tries to create chaos whenever it gets the chance? Can you bring them to justice under such conditions? It would create a completely unmanageable situation, plunging the country into violence and bloodshed. That would open the door for other destructive forces in Bangladesh to interfere. This concern is very real and, I believe, entirely justified.

Prothom Alo : Some people are saying that instead of banning the Awami League through executive orders, it would be more effective to let the people reject them themselves.

Asif Nazrul That’s true, being rejected by the people carries even more impact. But we genuinely fear that if Awami League remains active, not just in elections but in politics more broadly, it will become impossible to hold elections or even govern the country. We have intelligence reports indicating that Awami League instigated several protests against the government, including unrest involving Ansar personnel. There is credible evidence supporting this.

Prothom Alo: The government sent mangoes to India, and dispatched physicians after the Indian fighter jet crash. We're seeing fewer anti-India statements from the advisers these days. How are relations with India?

Asif Nazrul We do not want to be India’s enemy, but we don’t want to be its servant either. We want a relationship based on mutual respect and equality.

To be continued.................​