[🇧🇩] Indo-Bangla Relation: India's Regional Ambition, Geopolitical Reality, and Strategic Options For Bangladesh

[Saif]

India's transshipment won't affect exports: Commerce adviser

Commerce adviser Sheikh Bashir Uddin has said Bangladesh’s exports will not decline for revoking transshipment facilities by India. Efforts are underway to reduce costs by maximising the use of domestic capabilities. This, in turn, will further lower export expenses for local businesses.

en.prothomalo.com

India's transshipment won't affect exports: Commerce adviser
Staff Correspondent Dhaka
Updated: 24 Apr 2025, 18: 19

Commerce adviser Sheikh Bashir Uddin is speaking at the inaugural ceremony of the two-day exhibition. Photo: Prothom Alo

Commerce adviser Sheikh Bashir Uddin has said Bangladesh’s exports will not decline for revoking transshipment facilities by India.

Efforts are underway to reduce costs by maximising the use of domestic capabilities. This, in turn, will further lower export expenses for local businesses.

Commerce adviser Sheikh Bashir Uddin made these remarks during the inauguration of the two-day event titled “Meet Bangladesh Exposition” at the International Convention City Bashundhara in the capital on Thursday.

Abdur Rahim Khan, project director of the Ministry of Commerce's EC4J project, delivered the welcome speech at the opening ceremony.

Suhail Kasim, Acting Country Head of the World Bank Dhaka Office, Hosna Ferdous, Senior Private Sector Specialist at the Dhaka Office, Sultan M Albeshi, CEO of Al Nokhba Group from Dubai and the UAE and Shamim Ahmed of the Bangladesh Plastic Goods Manufacturers and Exporters Association (BPGMEA), among others, were present.

Simultaneously, he also said, the government is taking all necessary initiatives to simplify domestic trade and the process of attracting foreign investment.

Among these initiatives is the implementation of the National Single Window, along with several other measures. The avenue for discussion remains open with the commerce ministry and other relevant departments to address any issues faced by businesses. Any arising problems will be resolved accordingly.

Commerce adviser Sheikh Bashir Uddin remarked on the importance of reducing dependency on a single export product.

He said that diversification of export products is now a necessity. It is no longer viable to rely on a limited number of specific products. In order to remain competitive in the global market, innovation and exploration of new markets are essential.

Highlighting the World Bank’s support in promoting export growth and employment generation through diversification, Suhail Kasim said that foreign assistance to Bangladesh will decline once the country graduates from LDC status. Therefore, it is crucial to strengthen the small and medium-sized enterprise sector and focus more on enhancing the country’s competitiveness and technological advancement.

The international exhibition has been organised showcasing products from Bangladesh's promising export sectors, including leather, footwear, MPPE, plastics and light engineering. Over 120 companies from Bangladesh’s export sectors, such as leather, leather products, footwear, MPPE, plastics and light engineering, are displaying their products at the exhibition. More than 25 international sourcing agents and buyers from over nine countries, including Singapore, Libya, Colombia, Algeria, the United Arab Emirates, India, Bhutan, the Maldives and Malaysia, are participating in this event.

BPGMEA president Shamim Ahmed said while ready-made garments remain the country’s primary export item, attention must also be given to the export of other products. Small and medium-sized enterprises contribute 30 per cent of the country’s GDP.

He further mentioned that the plastic industry in Bangladesh is a promising sector, with its current growth rate standing at 20 per cent. Therefore, more focus is required on this industry.

Additionally, over 1,000 local buyers and 120 Bangladeshi manufacturing companies are participating in the exhibition. International sourcing agents and buyers will visit various Bangladeshi manufacturing factories during the event.​

 

[Saif]

A mirror needs no monument: The irony of India’s lecture on minorities

India’s moral posturing becomes all the more risible when juxtaposed with data from Bangladesh.

www.thedailystar.net

A mirror needs no monument: The irony of India’s lecture on minorities
A mirror needs no monument

VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

It was one of those moments in subcontinental diplomacy where irony takes a drag from a biri and smirks across the table. When India slammed Bangladesh for expressing concern over the safety of Muslims in West Bengal following the Murshidabad riots, the news moved with the sound of a stainless steel pot being called black by a soot-covered kettle. Bangladesh's call for "full security" for minority Muslims in India was met with indignation from New Delhi. One might say India is in no position to dish out lectures on minority treatment, yet here we are.

The incident itself was a grim reminder of how quickly a secular society can be undone by identity politics. In Murshidabad, a district with a dense Muslim population, protests erupted over India's new Waqf legislation, a law passed by Lok Sabha and rubber-stamped by Rajya Sabha earlier this month. Critics argue that the law erodes protections for Islamic charitable properties. The demonstrations, predictably labelled "violent," turned deadly. In a nation where dissent now rhymes with "anti-national," the crackdown was not long in coming. By April 12, three were dead, several injured, and Muslim-owned shops were set on fire overnight. Yet, it was Bangladesh's response that caused Delhi the most heartburn—not the deaths, not the discrimination.

What makes India's indignation especially rich is the continuing dehumanisation of its own Muslim citizens in recent years. Since the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) came to power in 2014, India has witnessed a frightening acceleration in communal rhetoric and policy. A report by the Washington-based India Hate Lab showed a 74 percent spike in hate speech incidents in 2024 compared to the previous year, with a staggering 98.5 percent of them targeting Muslims. The majority of these hate-filled events unfolded in BJP-ruled states like Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, and Maharashtra. In May alone, during the heated general election campaign, 269 hate speech incidents were recorded.

Despite what the Indian government may claim, this isn't the work of fringe elements or rogue sadhus. These provocations frequently come from the very top. In fact, top leaders of the current ruling party have been named among the most frequent purveyors of hate rhetoric. The BJP, through its political machinery, organised over 340 hate speech-related events in 2024 alone—a 580 percent increase from 2023. The speeches included calls for economic boycotts of Muslim businesses, threats of demolishing mosques, and warnings that Muslims must "prove their loyalty" to India or face consequences.

India's moral posturing becomes all the more risible when juxtaposed with data from Bangladesh. Nobody claims Bangladesh is a utopia for minorities—far from it. Attacks on Hindu, Christian, and Buddhist communities have occurred and must be condemned without hesitation. Between 2013 and 2021, Ain O Salish Kendra recorded 3,710 attacks on Hindus alone under Sheikh Hasina's rule. Yet, to say minorities are persecuted as a matter of state policy—as some Indian commentators suggest—is patently false.

Since the interim government came to power on August 8, 2024, there has been an unprecedented push to address minority grievances. In just the first six months, Bangladesh filed 88 cases linked to minority attacks and made 70 arrests. In a country where political instability is a feature, not a bug, this represents a notable institutional shift.

Contrast this with the legal paralysis that follows attacks on Muslims in India. In Uttar Pradesh, three Muslim men were beaten to death in November 2024 for opposing an archaeological survey at the Shahi Jama Masjid, accused of being built over a Hindu temple. There were no meaningful convictions. Indian media outlets, ever alert to cows and cricket, remained strangely silent.

Even the act of existing has become perilous for Indian Muslims. From 2010 to 2017, cow vigilante violence claimed the lives of 28 people, 24 of them Muslims. Another 124 were injured. The 2019 elections saw a spike, and the 2024 elections did not disappoint either. Nine more Muslims were lynched by mobs, accused of transporting beef or stealing cows. These incidents are not spontaneous combustion of communal angst; they are meticulously orchestrated theatre for electoral dividends.

Consider the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) passed in 2019. For the first time in India's legislative history, religion was introduced as a criterion for citizenship, and Muslims were pointedly excluded. Or the National Register of Citizens (NRC) implemented in Assam, which left nearly 20 lakh people stateless, many of them Bangla-speaking Muslims. It's telling that "Bangladeshi" has become a slur in Indian political vernacular, thrown about by ministers and media alike.

The situation has become so toxic that even slums in Ghaziabad—populated by Indian Muslims—were vandalised in late 2024 by the Hindu Raksha Dal. Why? Because some residents "looked like Bangladeshis." The ghost of Partition is a permanent tenant in India's nationalist consciousness, haunting every mosque and madrasa.

And yet, when Bangladesh moves to arrest a monk—Chinmoy Das—for allegedly inciting violence and engaging in anti-state activities, Indian media erupts in collective outrage. Das's followers allegedly murdered a Muslim government lawyer in Chattogram. But what was the narrative in India? That Das had been "persecuted." Protests were staged outside Bangladeshi embassies. In Agartala, the consulate was attacked. The Indian government did not urge restraint.

One wonders: is justice still blind, or does it now squint through saffron-tinted glasses?

The weaponisation of Bangladesh's internal affairs has become a staple of Indian electoral politics, especially in states like Assam, West Bengal, and Jharkhand. The BJP routinely paints Bangladeshis as infiltrators—vote-stealing, job-grabbing "aliens"—who must be expelled to preserve India's mythical purity. Ironically, this very narrative is now being turned on its head with the claim that Bangladeshi miscreants were behind the violence in Murshidabad. No evidence has been offered. No investigation concluded. Just the usual scapegoating, now export-grade.

Meanwhile, the relationship between the two neighbouring countries has frayed considerably since the ouster of Sheikh Hasina. India has grown wary of the new political players in Dhaka, especially those student leaders who led the uprising and are perceived as less pliant than their predecessors. On the Bangladeshi street, the sentiment towards India has turned from indifferent to frosty.

Perhaps it's time for both countries to recalibrate their approach to minority rights—not through sanctimonious statements, but through joint action. A regional commission on communal harmony could be a starting point, composed of independent observers, human rights experts, and media watchdogs. It could publish transparent, verifiable data on communal incidents and recommend policy changes on both sides.

For the long haul, interfaith youth exchanges, joint cultural festivals, and collaborative journalism can serve as antidotes to the poison being peddled by populist media and politicians. If hate can travel across borders, perhaps so can empathy.

Until then, India would do well to hold the mirror a little longer before pointing fingers. Because when it comes to minority rights, Bangladesh may be limping, but India is crawling backwards with a blindfold and a torch.

H.M. Nazmul Alam is an academic, journalist, and political analyst. He can be reached at nazmulalam.​

 

[Saif]

If trade between Bangladesh and India hampers, it will have deleterious effect on Indian economy because India exports to Bangladesh is over $13 billion whereas imports only $1.8 billion. I hope the Indian media realizes that India depends on Bangladesh to boost its trade in South Asia and stops propaganda against Bangladesh.

 

[Saif]

Misunderstandings are creating a bottleneck for better relations with India, says BNP's Mirza Fakhrul

BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir has said the problems with India are created by India itself by providing shelter to the deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina and other Awami League leaders. In an interview with bdnews24.com's “Inside Out”, he said: “We always tr

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Misunderstandings are creating a bottleneck for better relations with India, says BNP's Mirza Fakhrul
Published :
Apr 28, 2025 22:21
Updated :
Apr 28, 2025 22:21

BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir has said the problems with India are created by India itself by providing shelter to the deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina and other Awami League leaders.

In an interview with bdnews24.com's “Inside Out”, he said: “We always tried to maintain a neutral position because we must have good relationships with all the countries for more trade and developed nations' support for economic advancement."

Fakhrul, who has been leading BNP in grassroots politics for a long time, spoke about contemporary politics, the 13th parliamentary election, the reform process, the interim government’s role, the demand to ban the Awami League, and India-Bangladesh relations.

The programme was broadcast on the English version of bdnews24.com's Facebook page and YouTube channel on Sunday.

While speaking on regional geopolitics, the BNP leader said: “The interim administration has repeatedly asked the Indian government to send back Sheikh Hasina. That has not been done, and unfortunately, the Indian government is not having any fruitful, effective, dialogue with Bangladesh.

“So this misunderstanding, or whatever you say, is creating a bottleneck for a better relationship with India.”

Fakhrul said, “India, unfortunately, always, has played a wrong diplomatic role by supporting only one political party in the last three elections.

“You must have observed that. The last three elections were all supported by India openly. The people didn't go to vote. There was no vote, no elections. So its support to only one party did not satisfy the people and that's why the people of the country turned against India.”

The BNP leader believes the sharing of cross-border river waters also remains a problem.

“India is not taking any serious initiative to solve that problem. Also, killing of people on the border is also not being solved alongside the issues tied to trade deficiencies.”

He stressed it will be difficult to improve ties if India does not resolve the issues.

The BNP leader also shed light on the dangers of "undemocratic forces" "and" "extremism” amid the desire to build a democratic and non-discriminatory Bangladesh following the July Uprising that changed the landscape of power and politics.

He highlighted several positive steps taken by the interim government, but said the inability to control the mob attacks was a "gross failure".

Commenting on the current situation, Fakhrul said it is not possible for the interim government to resolve everything. For this, he said, necessary reforms should be made and a roadmap for early elections should be provided.

During the half-hour discussion, differences over reform and elections with long-time ally Jamaat-e-Islami and the new student party National Citizen Party (NCP), which led the uprising, BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia’s health condition, and the return of party’s Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman to the country came up.

Fakhrul, who entered politics with trust in the left-wing, was the president of the Bangladesh Students' Union’s Dhaka University unit. The economics teacher later joined BNP politics. He rose through the ranks of the party from the grassroots to the top.

He was officially named secretary general in the BNP's sixth National Council in 2016, but he had been serving in the role since 2011.

The BNP leader, who is known as a "gentleman" in the political arena and among the public, also addressed the numerous street protests involving students, teachers, job seekers and professionals with various demands in recent months.

Fakhrul believes that the protesters could not hold demonstrations for so long because of the prevalence of "fascism". Now every day, youths are coming out on the streets alongside workers and others. Moreover, other “anti-democratic forces” are emerging due to the delay in the election.

Referring to the political crisis, he said: "Some people are trying to instigate it in different ways. Attempts are being made to create unrest in the country.

"All this can be solved if reforms are fast-tracked and elections are held after those reforms. We demand that the government immediately publish these reforms that have been agreed upon. The fact is that the government should immediately go for the elections with these reforms.

"The protesters have to understand that it is not possible for an interim government to solve everything.”

The BNP secretary general continued, "I want to tell the nation that we should not lose sight of the main thing due to political rivalry and conflict. The main thing is to return to a democratic system.

"If there is no democratic practice and culture; if we cannot make the structure democratic, then all our efforts, sacrifices, movements, and the bloodshed, everything will be in vain.

He urged all to be united. When asked how that could be achieved, he said: "It is the government's responsibility to take the initiative.

"We welcome the reform measures. I think we should go back to the democratic form of government by making public the issues of these reforms quickly and signing the charter of reforms based on proposals that have been agreed upon."

WHAT IS THE SITUATION IN BANGLADESH?

Eight months have passed since the interim government took charge after the end of Awami League's one and a half decade rule. Fakhrul was asked whether fascism has been eliminated and the current political landscape.

"What we have been saying all along is that the fascist government that was in power has been overthrown through a student-led mass uprising. They have done a tremendous damage to Bangladesh's politics and economy.

"All democratic institutions have been destroyed. The Election Commission, the election system, the law and order, the judicial system, the economic system, health, education have all been completely collapsed and reduced to rubble. We're trying to get out of here from the beginning."

A decade and a half of “fascist rule” has ended. But the BNP leader believes its remnants remain in Bangladesh.

He said, "A large part of the bureaucracy that the previous government used to run the dictatorship and fascism, they still are there who have directly supported the fascists."

"Not only in the Secretariat, but also the institutions outside, the main agencies of the government, the high-ups of these organisations have not changed yet.”

‘BANGLADESH NOW NEEDS AN ELECTED GOVERNMENT’

Asked about his meeting with Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus on the election, Fakhrul said: “We have talked to them three times and things are moving quite well. I believe we can sign a charter of reforms based on the minimum consensus, which can be reached, and then can go for the election as soon as possible.

“The country now needs an elected government, which will really empower its economic structure, as well as the political structures.

BNP Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman announced a 31-point reform programme to mend the state structure in 2023. The interim government is also working on reforms in multiple sectors.

The BNP has raised issues with some of the proposals. There are also important differences in the views of Jamaat, Islami Andolan Bangladesh and NCP. So what's the future of the consensus?

In response, Fakhrul said: “The government has to give a very clear idea about the election and its timeframe, what we have been asking for. Some people are trying to interpret it in a different way that we are just asking for elections.

“No, we are asking for a situation where the elected government can take over and the people can raise their voice in the parliament.

"In 2016, we have given Vision 2030. Then in 2023, we gave a 31 point charter of reform to repair the state structure. It is the BNP who gave them."

He continued, "The interim government has established some reform commissions based on public opinion. Their reports have been submitted. Political parties have also expressed their views. we are engaged with them already."

On differences with Jamaat and NCP over reforms, Fakhrul said: “The political parties will define their different opinions, and that's democracy basically. I believe the consensus, in most of the issues, can be achieved. And by achieving the consensus, we can sign a charter of reform.”

BNP’S STANCE ON BANNING THE AWAMI LEAGUE

Hasina and former Awami League ministers and MPs, along with other party leaders, are facing trial for attempting to violently suppress the student-led mass uprising. In light of this, there has been a demand to ban the Awami League.

When Fakhrul was asked about BNP's stance on banning the party, he said: "We have said this many times that banning a political party by executive order will not solve the problem. The ban should come from the people as a whole.

“The judiciary can take responsibility if there is a violation of the law.”

‘JUDICIAL PROCESS MUST NOT DELAY ELECTIONS’

Several political parties have demanded that Awami League leaders and those involved with the past regime be brought to justice before the next general election.

When asked about the issue, the BNP secretary general said: “We want justice. We want trials for those who committed ‘genocide’, and we want it to happen as soon as possible.”

He urged the government to increase the number of tribunals handling such cases to ensure faster proceedings.

Fakhrul, however, noted the “sluggish” nature of the country’s judicial activities. “It can take seven, eight, even up to twelve years to resolve a single case.”

“Do you wait 10, seven, or even five years to hold elections? You can’t. Both the judicial process and elections must continue simultaneously,” he said.

When asked about the BNP’s strategy for the upcoming election and whether the party plans to form alliances, Fakhrul referred to the party’s earlier declaration.

“We’ve made our position clear. In our 31-point charter of reforms, we’ve said that after the election, we intend to form a national government together with the parties that have stood against this ‘fascist’ regime,” he said.

He added that the country’s political landscape would improve significantly if all democratic parties were brought together under one inclusive government.”

HOW IS KHALEDA IN LONDON, WHEN TARIQUE IS COMING BACK?

Khaleda went to London in January for treatment. She was expected to return in April. How's her physical condition?

Asked about her health, Fakhrul said Khaleda's condition is quite stable.

"As far as we know, she will be back soon."

BNP Acting Chairperson Tarique’s return to the country has also been a matter of major discussion following his reprieve in multiple cases. The party has said once the election process begins, he will make plans to return. Fakhrul said, “There are still some cases pending, but he will be back when they are over."

He also praised Tarique for leading the party during the crisis.

STUDENT POLITICS

Fakhrul was asked about the recent clashes between the Anti-discrimination Student Movement and Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal — particularly those that occurred at the Khulna University of Engineering and Technology (KUET).

As a politician shaped by student activism, how did he view the situation?

In response, Fakhrul said: "These issues can be resolved through dialogue, negotiation, and by fostering better relations among the organisations involved.”

“If they sit together, they can work things out, and the government should take the initiative to help resolve these issues,” he added.

When asked about the repeated calls to ban political student organisations from campuses, the politician firmly disagreed, arguing that such measures would only address the symptom, not the root cause.

He likened it to trying to cure a headache by cutting off one’s head.

The BNP leader emphasised that student politics in Bangladesh — and across the subcontinent — has played a critical role for more than a century.

According to him, the real problem lies not within student politics itself, but in the system that has allowed these issues to fester.

Fakhrul said: "Over the past 15 years, the ‘fascist’ government has destroyed educational institutions and imposed its rule. They established their own student wing, the Chhatra League, and prevented any other organisations from operating.

“If there were fair and healthy student politics in the universities, it would foster the emergence of strong leadership.”

“This happened in the past when we were students; student politics was active, and leaders emerged from it.

He added that many of our key political leaders, who have shaped the country, came from active student politics.

The BNP leader insisted that the focus should not be on banning student politics, but on reforming the environment in which it exists. “It’s not student politics that’s to blame — it’s the nature of governance and the government's attitude.

“The real question is: how do you manage it? You need to create an environment that fosters healthy student engagement," he said. “Even in Western countries, universities hold student elections. Cabinets and unions are elected, and they manage extracurricular activities.

“That’s how those systems nurture future leaders.”

"What’s needed is an environment for constructive activities where students can learn the values of good politics, debate, and engage meaningfully."​

 

[Saif]

Indo-Pak conflict & Bangladesh: A call for caution

The recent Pahalgam attack, which claimed 26 innocent lives, has reignited the long-simmering tensions between India and Pakistan, casting a shadow over South Asia's fragile stability. As the two nuclear-armed neighbors engage in retaliatory measures -- from diplomatic downgrades to cross-border sk

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Indo-Pak conflict & Bangladesh: A call for caution
MIR MOSTAFIZUR RAHAMAN
Published :
Apr 29, 2025 00:03
Updated :
Apr 29, 2025 00:03

The recent Pahalgam attack, which claimed 26 innocent lives, has reignited the long-simmering tensions between India and Pakistan, casting a shadow over South Asia's fragile stability. As the two nuclear-armed neighbors engage in retaliatory measures -- from diplomatic downgrades to cross-border skirmishes -- the ripple effects threaten to destabilise a region already grappling with economic headwinds. For Bangladesh, situated at the crossroads of this geopolitical fault line, the crisis demands a deft balancing act. The nation's economic aspirations and diplomatic credibility hinge on its ability to remain non-aligned, even as external pressures mount.

There is no doubt that if this tension cannot be swiftly and wisely eased, the long-term repercussions for Bangladesh could be profound. Already, a perception seems to be gaining ground among certain sections of Indian policymakers that Bangladesh's present regime is tilted towards India's strategic adversaries, namely China and Pakistan. Whether or not this perception is grounded in reality, the situation warrants Bangladesh's most cautious and professional diplomatic response.

It is imperative, therefore, that Bangladesh act with utmost professionalism and ensure that it remains totally non-aligned in current situation. History teaches that neutrality, when sincerely pursued and carefully maintained, is a nation's strongest shield in turbulent times. Bangladesh must reaffirm its neutral stance not just in official statements, but also in actions, gestures, and conduct at all levels of government and civil society. We earnestly hope that persons in responsible positions in Bangladesh will refrain from making any comment or displaying any gesture that could question or compromise the country's neutrality.

The Pahalgam attack has undoubtedly added fuel to an already volatile situation. India has directly blamed Pakistan for harboring links to the attackers, a charge that Islamabad has firmly denied. In response, India has swiftly downsized diplomatic relations, cancelled visas for Pakistani nationals, and, most significantly, suspended its participation in the Indus Waters Treaty -- an agreement that has stood resilient even through full-fledged wars between the two countries.

India's decision to put the Indus treaty on hold is no ordinary step. For decades, this treaty had symbolised a rare zone of cooperation between two bitter rivals. Suspending it reflects the deep anger and frustration within Indian policymaking circles. Predictably, Pakistan has termed the move an act of war and has taken countermeasures, including restricting its airspace for Indian flights. Within two days of the escalation, cross-border skirmishes erupted between soldiers of both countries -- a disturbing reminder of how quickly a regional dispute can spiral out of control.

The conflict's escalation comes at a time when South Asia's economies are already reeling under external pressures -- the lingering impacts of the Ukraine war, global inflation, and the imposition of new tariffs by a major global power. At a juncture when countries like Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Nepal are seeking pathways to economic recovery and growth, the Indo-Pak conflict has emerged as a spoiler -- a dangerous distraction from the urgent task of economic rebuilding.

For Bangladesh, the stakes are particularly high. It has strong and growing economic ties with India, encompassing trade, energy cooperation, and connectivity projects. Simultaneously, there have been early signs of a potential new opening in economic relations with Pakistan in recent times.

The region's economies, including Bangladesh, are battling post-pandemic recovery, soaring commodity prices, and shrinking export markets. India and Pakistan, both facing stagflation risks, are diverting resources from development to defense. The World Bank's recent downgrade of South Asia's growth forecast to 5.8 per cent in 2023 reflects these pressures. A protracted Indo-Pak conflict would exacerbate supply chain disruptions, energy shortages, and food insecurity, hitting Bangladesh's import-dependent economy hardest.

Any deterioration in the regional security environment could jeopardize these ties, undermining both immediate economic interests and long-term strategic goals.

Moreover, the conflict carries serious implications for Bangladesh's ambitions to attract foreign direct investment (FDI). After the fall of the previous regime, which had become synonymous with corruption and irregularities, Bangladesh managed to rekindle the interest of a number of international investors. The ongoing US-China trade war had also led many multinational companies to scout for alternative investment destinations, and Bangladesh -- with its strategic location and emerging manufacturing base -- was beginning to emerge as a serious candidate.

However, investors are notoriously risk-averse. No matter how attractive the incentives or the opportunities, few will be willing to invest in a country that is geographically positioned beside two potentially warring nuclear-armed nations. Instability, real or perceived, is poison to investor confidence. Thus, an extended or worsening Indo-Pak conflict could deal a heavy blow to Bangladesh's economic prospects at a time when it can least afford such a setback.

Given these realities, Bangladesh must tread with extreme caution. Its diplomatic efforts must focus on maintaining impeccable neutrality, reinforcing friendly relations with both India and Pakistan, and playing a constructive role -- if invited -- to promote dialogue and peace. Bangladesh must also be clear-eyed about its own national interests, prioritizing the security, economic stability, and well-being of its people above all other considerations.

At the same time, the broader hope must remain that India and Pakistan themselves will show the necessary restraint and pragmatism in dealing with the current crisis. Neither side should allow domestic politics, emotions, or historical grievances to drive them toward further escalation. The temptation to use conflict as a tool for short-term political gain must be resisted. At the end of the day, war between two nuclear powers is a zero-sum game in which no real victor can emerge. Both nations -- and the entire South Asian region -- would stand to lose immeasurably from such a catastrophe.

Indeed, the leaders of both India and Pakistan owe it to their own people, as well as to the region, to de-escalate tensions and return to the path of dialogue and diplomacy. There are enough challenges facing South Asia already -- poverty, inequality, climate change, and the pressing need for economic development -- that should command the full attention and resources of regional governments. To add the horrors of war to these burdens would be an unforgivable tragedy.

In conclusion, Bangladesh must prepare carefully for all possible scenarios while remaining steadfastly neutral and committed to peace. At the same time, it is in the collective interest of the region that India and Pakistan recognise the futility of further escalation and work toward resolving their differences through peaceful means. The future prosperity and stability of South Asia depend on it.​