RayKalm
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Bangladesh Defense
Saif
Senior Member
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US fund cuts will worsen the Rohingya crisis
The world must not ignore their plight
US fund cuts will worsen the Rohingya crisis
The world must not ignore their plight
VISUAL: STAR
We are deeply concerned about the US government's recent executive order suspending aid funding worldwide, which will further exacerbate the Rohingya crisis. According to a report, the impact is already evident in the Rohingya camps in Cox's Bazar's Ukhiya and Teknaf upazilas. While the World Food Programme's emergency food assistance—supported by the US—continues, at least five US-funded hospitals have suspended operations. Waste management and landfill activities have also ceased. This will significantly affect the Rohingya, limiting their access to healthcare and worsening their already dire living conditions.
The US has long been the largest donor for the Rohingya humanitarian response. According to the UN, out of the $852.4 million required for the Rohingya in 2024, the US contributed $301 million—55 percent of the total $548.9 million provided by foreign donors last year. Therefore, its suspension of funding is bound to have disastrous consequences. If support for World Health Organization and the vaccine alliance GAVI is also halted, the Rohingya will further struggle to access critical medical care and life-saving vaccines, especially for women and children. Although the Trump administration is currently reviewing all overseas funds and projects before making any final decisions, the uncertainty is already affecting nearly 100 projects in Bangladesh—worth $450 million last year—as well as the development professionals involved, who have been asked to stay home without work.
This crisis comes amid concerns over renewed conflict in Myanmar, which has forced around 80,000 more Rohingya to seek refuge in Bangladesh since August, adding to the staggering 1.2 million already residing here. Since foreign aid for the Rohingya has been on the decline for several years now due to conflicts in other parts of the world, Bangladesh as a host has already been in a tight spot. A recent RMMRU study painted a grim picture of living conditions in the camps, highlighting gender-based violence and security concerns. With each refugee receiving only Tk 16 per day, many have been forced into informal labour or even criminal activities. The US fund cuts will only worsen their plight and complicate efforts to manage the crisis.
As we have reiterated many times before, the Rohingya crisis is a global issue, so Bangladesh cannot be expected to bear this burden alone. The international community must step up to support them. Since the US provided humanitarian aid to the Rohingya even during Donald Trump's previous tenure, we urge the US administration to continue this support in the interest of humanity. The global community must also take concrete steps to resolve the crisis and ensure safe repatriation of the Rohingya to their homeland.
The world must not ignore their plight
VISUAL: STAR
We are deeply concerned about the US government's recent executive order suspending aid funding worldwide, which will further exacerbate the Rohingya crisis. According to a report, the impact is already evident in the Rohingya camps in Cox's Bazar's Ukhiya and Teknaf upazilas. While the World Food Programme's emergency food assistance—supported by the US—continues, at least five US-funded hospitals have suspended operations. Waste management and landfill activities have also ceased. This will significantly affect the Rohingya, limiting their access to healthcare and worsening their already dire living conditions.
The US has long been the largest donor for the Rohingya humanitarian response. According to the UN, out of the $852.4 million required for the Rohingya in 2024, the US contributed $301 million—55 percent of the total $548.9 million provided by foreign donors last year. Therefore, its suspension of funding is bound to have disastrous consequences. If support for World Health Organization and the vaccine alliance GAVI is also halted, the Rohingya will further struggle to access critical medical care and life-saving vaccines, especially for women and children. Although the Trump administration is currently reviewing all overseas funds and projects before making any final decisions, the uncertainty is already affecting nearly 100 projects in Bangladesh—worth $450 million last year—as well as the development professionals involved, who have been asked to stay home without work.
This crisis comes amid concerns over renewed conflict in Myanmar, which has forced around 80,000 more Rohingya to seek refuge in Bangladesh since August, adding to the staggering 1.2 million already residing here. Since foreign aid for the Rohingya has been on the decline for several years now due to conflicts in other parts of the world, Bangladesh as a host has already been in a tight spot. A recent RMMRU study painted a grim picture of living conditions in the camps, highlighting gender-based violence and security concerns. With each refugee receiving only Tk 16 per day, many have been forced into informal labour or even criminal activities. The US fund cuts will only worsen their plight and complicate efforts to manage the crisis.
As we have reiterated many times before, the Rohingya crisis is a global issue, so Bangladesh cannot be expected to bear this burden alone. The international community must step up to support them. Since the US provided humanitarian aid to the Rohingya even during Donald Trump's previous tenure, we urge the US administration to continue this support in the interest of humanity. The global community must also take concrete steps to resolve the crisis and ensure safe repatriation of the Rohingya to their homeland.
Saif
Senior Member
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- Jan 24, 2024
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Forced juvenile crimes in Rohingya camps is a security threat
Young boys in the camp are targeted by adult criminal groups and forced to do and continue crimes.
Forced juvenile crimes in Rohingya camps is a security threat
Children in Rohingya camps grow up in small and crowded shelters with a lack of necessary facilities, with only minimal food and inadequate access to water and sanitation. FILE PHOTO: REUTERS
The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), adopted in 1989, defined the child as "Any human being under the age of eighteen unless the age of majority is attained earlier under national legislation. Nations that have ratified this convention or have acceded to it are bound by international law." This definition is applicable not just to citizens of a country but also to refugees.
In August 2017, over 773,000 Rohingya, including 400,000 children, crossed the border and arrived in Cox's Bazar district. Still, 600,000 Rohingya are living in the Rakhine state of Myanmar. As of March 31, 2024, there are 978,003 stateless Rohingya living in 203,204 families across 33 crowded makeshift camps in Ukhiya and Teknaf upazilas. A total of 107,736 boys and 103,516 girls between 5-11 years, and 70,812 boys and 66,217 girls from age 12-17 years live in the camps.
Young boys in the camp are targeted by adult criminal groups and forced to do and continue crimes. They are forced to get involved in intra-gang conflicts, gunfights, murders, theft, snatching of food rations, robbery, toll-collection from shops, online gambling, arsons in camps, attacks, sexual harassment, human trafficking, prostitution, smuggling, peddling, use of drugs and many other types of criminal activities. The camps are very unsafe at night, especially for girls and women. Victims' family members usually do not disclose or report the incidents of rape and gang rape due to fear of social stigma. Forced marriage is another form of torture. If a boy belonging to a criminal group takes an interest in a girl, he and his gang force her family members to arrange the marriage. However, boys also face sexual harassment by gang members.
Children in Rohingya camps grow up in small and crowded shelters with a lack of necessary facilities with only minimal food, inadequate access to water and sanitation, limited mental health support, inadequate opportunities for education, and insufficient open space for recreational activities. Frustration and helplessness of young boys are being exploited by various armed groups, such as the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), the Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO), and the Munna Gang. These groups are accused of abducting people for ransom, forced marriage, and recruiting children for armed practices. Young boys and girls also fall for tempting promises like better jobs in the capital, migration to Malaysia, or even a smart phone. Gradually, crimes increase in the camps and the surrounding host community.
These events are not independent of the Rohingya refugee crisis. It is a socio-political challenge for Bangladesh. The host community is against the local integration of Rohingya refugees. They argue that Bangladesh is a small country with slow economic progress. Moreover, the Rohingya people will pose threats to security and peace in South Asia and Asian regions, they add.
Therefore, the preventive efforts for juvenile crimes in Rohingya refugee camps need to be comprehensive at the policy and practice levels. Integrated strategies and engagement by key stakeholders—like UN bodies, global political leaders, international development agencies, the government of Bangladesh, NGOs, the private sector, and civil society—are urgently required for the wellbeing of Rohingya children and to reduce security threats in Bangladesh and other countries.
Since Bangladesh is a signatory to the UNCRC and other relevant legal instruments, international bindings should be addressed in laws relating to child rights. Besides, the jurisdiction of the special tribunal (formed under the Special Powers Act) should not extend to children in conflict with the law. To ensure this, an amendment of the law is recommended. Also, the office of the Refugee Relief and Repatriation Commission (RRRC) should take initiatives for the dissemination of existing policies and awareness building in refugee camps with the extensive support of NGOs. Law enforcement agencies and the Camp-in-Charge (CiC) office should jointly identify juvenile gangs with the support of Majhi (headman), religious leaders, and youth groups, with assistance from the UNHCR to access their database. Law enforcement agencies must also increase vigilance to stop the recruitment of young boys into criminal gangs.
Additionally, international development agencies should increase programmes to provide psychosocial support, education, life skill development, vocational training, sports, and recreational activities through effective community engagement. There should be discussions about juvenile crimes and their demerits with the participation of community members. Parenting sessions and block-based sharing meetings must be arranged. Regional forums, such as SAARC, ASEAN, and the ASEAN Economic Committee, can be leveraged to solve the Rohingya refugee crisis and ensure their safe repatriation to Myanmar. Besides, diplomatic relations should be enhanced between Bangladesh, China, and India to exert pressure on Myanmar for the repatriation of Rohingya with dignity and to find a sustainable solution.
Dr Mohammed Mamun Rashid is development professional and adjunct faculty member of a renowned private university in Bangladesh.
Children in Rohingya camps grow up in small and crowded shelters with a lack of necessary facilities, with only minimal food and inadequate access to water and sanitation. FILE PHOTO: REUTERS
The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), adopted in 1989, defined the child as "Any human being under the age of eighteen unless the age of majority is attained earlier under national legislation. Nations that have ratified this convention or have acceded to it are bound by international law." This definition is applicable not just to citizens of a country but also to refugees.
In August 2017, over 773,000 Rohingya, including 400,000 children, crossed the border and arrived in Cox's Bazar district. Still, 600,000 Rohingya are living in the Rakhine state of Myanmar. As of March 31, 2024, there are 978,003 stateless Rohingya living in 203,204 families across 33 crowded makeshift camps in Ukhiya and Teknaf upazilas. A total of 107,736 boys and 103,516 girls between 5-11 years, and 70,812 boys and 66,217 girls from age 12-17 years live in the camps.
Young boys in the camp are targeted by adult criminal groups and forced to do and continue crimes. They are forced to get involved in intra-gang conflicts, gunfights, murders, theft, snatching of food rations, robbery, toll-collection from shops, online gambling, arsons in camps, attacks, sexual harassment, human trafficking, prostitution, smuggling, peddling, use of drugs and many other types of criminal activities. The camps are very unsafe at night, especially for girls and women. Victims' family members usually do not disclose or report the incidents of rape and gang rape due to fear of social stigma. Forced marriage is another form of torture. If a boy belonging to a criminal group takes an interest in a girl, he and his gang force her family members to arrange the marriage. However, boys also face sexual harassment by gang members.
Children in Rohingya camps grow up in small and crowded shelters with a lack of necessary facilities with only minimal food, inadequate access to water and sanitation, limited mental health support, inadequate opportunities for education, and insufficient open space for recreational activities. Frustration and helplessness of young boys are being exploited by various armed groups, such as the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), the Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO), and the Munna Gang. These groups are accused of abducting people for ransom, forced marriage, and recruiting children for armed practices. Young boys and girls also fall for tempting promises like better jobs in the capital, migration to Malaysia, or even a smart phone. Gradually, crimes increase in the camps and the surrounding host community.
These events are not independent of the Rohingya refugee crisis. It is a socio-political challenge for Bangladesh. The host community is against the local integration of Rohingya refugees. They argue that Bangladesh is a small country with slow economic progress. Moreover, the Rohingya people will pose threats to security and peace in South Asia and Asian regions, they add.
Therefore, the preventive efforts for juvenile crimes in Rohingya refugee camps need to be comprehensive at the policy and practice levels. Integrated strategies and engagement by key stakeholders—like UN bodies, global political leaders, international development agencies, the government of Bangladesh, NGOs, the private sector, and civil society—are urgently required for the wellbeing of Rohingya children and to reduce security threats in Bangladesh and other countries.
Since Bangladesh is a signatory to the UNCRC and other relevant legal instruments, international bindings should be addressed in laws relating to child rights. Besides, the jurisdiction of the special tribunal (formed under the Special Powers Act) should not extend to children in conflict with the law. To ensure this, an amendment of the law is recommended. Also, the office of the Refugee Relief and Repatriation Commission (RRRC) should take initiatives for the dissemination of existing policies and awareness building in refugee camps with the extensive support of NGOs. Law enforcement agencies and the Camp-in-Charge (CiC) office should jointly identify juvenile gangs with the support of Majhi (headman), religious leaders, and youth groups, with assistance from the UNHCR to access their database. Law enforcement agencies must also increase vigilance to stop the recruitment of young boys into criminal gangs.
Additionally, international development agencies should increase programmes to provide psychosocial support, education, life skill development, vocational training, sports, and recreational activities through effective community engagement. There should be discussions about juvenile crimes and their demerits with the participation of community members. Parenting sessions and block-based sharing meetings must be arranged. Regional forums, such as SAARC, ASEAN, and the ASEAN Economic Committee, can be leveraged to solve the Rohingya refugee crisis and ensure their safe repatriation to Myanmar. Besides, diplomatic relations should be enhanced between Bangladesh, China, and India to exert pressure on Myanmar for the repatriation of Rohingya with dignity and to find a sustainable solution.
Dr Mohammed Mamun Rashid is development professional and adjunct faculty member of a renowned private university in Bangladesh.
Saif
Senior Member
- Joined
- Jan 24, 2024
- Messages
- 15,397
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- 7,874
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- Axis Group
UN Secretary General pledges to work for political solution to Rohingya crisis
In a letter to the Chief Adviser of the interim government, Dr Muhammad Yunus, UN Secretary-General António Guterres pledged to work with all stakeholders towards a political solution to the crisis in Myanmar, including creating conditions conducive to the safe and voluntary return of the Ro
UN Secretary General pledges to work for political solution to Rohingya crisis
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Feb 26, 2025 19:45
Updated :
Feb 26, 2025 19:45
In a letter to the Chief Adviser of the interim government, Dr Muhammad Yunus, UN Secretary-General António Guterres pledged to work with all stakeholders towards a political solution to the crisis in Myanmar, including creating conditions conducive to the safe and voluntary return of the Rohingya to Rakhine.
He also assured that the United Nations will continue to mobilise the international community to support Bangladesh as a host to the Rohingya.
Mr Guterres, who is set to visit Bangladesh from 13 to 16 March, also reiterated ‘the strong solidarity of the United Nations with Bangladesh and our support for the transition process under your leadership’.
“I share your concerns regarding the impact of the Rohingya crisis on Bangladesh and the region, as well as the worsening humanitarian situation in Rakhine,” the UN secretary general said.
He also assured the chief advisor of continuing to exercise his good offices, including through his Special Envoy on the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, to work closely with ASEAN and other regional actors and stakeholders in ensuring a political solution.
“I have requested my senior managers to provide guidance to the United Nations Country Teams in Bangladesh and Myanmar on how we can maximise humanitarian aid and livelihood support to communities in Rakhine,” the letter reads.
The United Nations will prioritise engagement on this issue, including through the Emergency Relief Coordinator and the Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator in Myanmar, to enable safe, rapid, sustained and unhindered humanitarian access to those in need in Rakhine and throughout Myanmar, Mr Guterres added.
“I am hopeful that the High-level Conference on the situation of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar will be an opportunity to galvanise renewed global attention and contribute to developing a wider range of solutions for Rohingya and other minorities. We await the agreed outcomes and plans for the Conference, following Member State consultations, to understand how the United Nations system can best support the process” he added.
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Feb 26, 2025 19:45
Updated :
Feb 26, 2025 19:45
In a letter to the Chief Adviser of the interim government, Dr Muhammad Yunus, UN Secretary-General António Guterres pledged to work with all stakeholders towards a political solution to the crisis in Myanmar, including creating conditions conducive to the safe and voluntary return of the Rohingya to Rakhine.
He also assured that the United Nations will continue to mobilise the international community to support Bangladesh as a host to the Rohingya.
Mr Guterres, who is set to visit Bangladesh from 13 to 16 March, also reiterated ‘the strong solidarity of the United Nations with Bangladesh and our support for the transition process under your leadership’.
“I share your concerns regarding the impact of the Rohingya crisis on Bangladesh and the region, as well as the worsening humanitarian situation in Rakhine,” the UN secretary general said.
He also assured the chief advisor of continuing to exercise his good offices, including through his Special Envoy on the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, to work closely with ASEAN and other regional actors and stakeholders in ensuring a political solution.
“I have requested my senior managers to provide guidance to the United Nations Country Teams in Bangladesh and Myanmar on how we can maximise humanitarian aid and livelihood support to communities in Rakhine,” the letter reads.
The United Nations will prioritise engagement on this issue, including through the Emergency Relief Coordinator and the Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator in Myanmar, to enable safe, rapid, sustained and unhindered humanitarian access to those in need in Rakhine and throughout Myanmar, Mr Guterres added.
“I am hopeful that the High-level Conference on the situation of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar will be an opportunity to galvanise renewed global attention and contribute to developing a wider range of solutions for Rohingya and other minorities. We await the agreed outcomes and plans for the Conference, following Member State consultations, to understand how the United Nations system can best support the process” he added.
Saif
Senior Member
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- Jan 24, 2024
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- 15,397
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Make int’l meet on Rohingya a success
Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus yesterday called for making the upcoming international conference on the Rohingya crisis a big success to bring back focus on the decades-long humanitarian tragedy and mobilise more support for the long-persecuted Myanmar minority.
Make int’l meet on Rohingya a success
Yunus tells UNHCR chief
UN High Commissioner for Refugees Filippo Grandi at a meeting with Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus the state guest house Jamuna in Dhaka yesterday. Photo: PID
Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus yesterday called for making the upcoming international conference on the Rohingya crisis a big success to bring back focus on the decades-long humanitarian tragedy and mobilise more support for the long-persecuted Myanmar minority.
He made the call when Filippo Grandi, head of UN High Commissioner for the Refugees, called on him at the state guest house Jamuna in Dhaka, according to the press wing of the Chief Adviser's Office.
"Let's make it a big success. Let's hope something concrete comes out of it," Yunus said.
"Let's put this issue on the map. The UN conference is a great way to put it back on the table," Grandi said, referring to the Rohingya crisis.
"We are happy to work with you," he said, hoping that the visit of the UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres in mid-March would create a new momentum for the issue.
Earlier, Grandi, who is on a five-day visit to Bangladesh, called on Touhid Hossain, adviser to the foreign ministry, at the latter's office. He also had a meeting with Home Adviser Jahangir Alam.
The advisers highlighted the important role of UNHCR and international community in resolving the Rohingya crisis. They urged the UNHCR to seek alternative funding sources from donor agencies and development partners.
Yunus tells UNHCR chief
UN High Commissioner for Refugees Filippo Grandi at a meeting with Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus the state guest house Jamuna in Dhaka yesterday. Photo: PID
Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus yesterday called for making the upcoming international conference on the Rohingya crisis a big success to bring back focus on the decades-long humanitarian tragedy and mobilise more support for the long-persecuted Myanmar minority.
He made the call when Filippo Grandi, head of UN High Commissioner for the Refugees, called on him at the state guest house Jamuna in Dhaka, according to the press wing of the Chief Adviser's Office.
"Let's make it a big success. Let's hope something concrete comes out of it," Yunus said.
"Let's put this issue on the map. The UN conference is a great way to put it back on the table," Grandi said, referring to the Rohingya crisis.
"We are happy to work with you," he said, hoping that the visit of the UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres in mid-March would create a new momentum for the issue.
Earlier, Grandi, who is on a five-day visit to Bangladesh, called on Touhid Hossain, adviser to the foreign ministry, at the latter's office. He also had a meeting with Home Adviser Jahangir Alam.
The advisers highlighted the important role of UNHCR and international community in resolving the Rohingya crisis. They urged the UNHCR to seek alternative funding sources from donor agencies and development partners.
Saif
Senior Member
- Joined
- Jan 24, 2024
- Messages
- 15,397
- Reaction score
- 7,874
- Nation
- Residence
- Axis Group
Govt engaging with Arakan Army
Bangladesh is maintaining contact with the Arakan Army (AA), which has occupied some 90 percent of Rakhine State, for the sake of protecting the country’s border and Rohingya repatriation, said Khalilur Rahman, the chief adviser’s high representative on the Rohingya issue.
Govt engaging with Arakan Army
Says CA’s representative on Rohingya issue
Bangladesh is maintaining contact with the Arakan Army (AA), which has occupied some 90 percent of Rakhine State, for the sake of protecting the country's border and Rohingya repatriation, said Khalilur Rahman, the chief adviser's high representative on the Rohingya issue.
"The day the AA raised its flag on our border, I instantly realised it's a new world -- you got to deal with them," he said at a seminar yesterday on the situation in Rakhine and implications for Bangladesh.
The seminar was organised by the South Asian Institute of Policy and Governance (SIPG) at the North South University premises.
Myanmar has been in civil war since the military coup that ousted the democratic government in February 2021.
The National Unity Government, the shadow government formed by the political leaders, and dozens of other ethnic groups, have been fighting the junta since then.
The AA, which seeks autonomy in Rakhine, controls the entire 271-kilometre-long border with Bangladesh and more than a million Rohingyas fled that state to Bangladesh.
"Mind you, this is our border and we have to protect, make it secure and make sure that we work in collaboration with whoever is on the other side. We reached out to them at a certain level," Rahman said.
Before that, he held a meeting with Julie Bishop, the UN secretary general's special envoy on Myanmar, over drafting a statement for the UN secretary general to the AA.
The statement communicated that the AA has to respect international human rights principles and abide by international laws.
At the seminar, Rahman also said, "A new neighbour is emerging and Bangladesh wants to be friendly with them and not dominate them. This is our only land border outside of our border with India. It is also in our national interest to reach out to them. We can begin the process of building trust, building confidence and lay the basis of longtime friendly relations."
He said he made it very clear that Bangladesh does not have any pipeline through Rakhine or any transit projects through Rakhine.
Abdul Hafiz, special assistant to the chief adviser on defence and national solidarity development, said diplomacy, backed by strategic deterrence based on a national consensus, is critical to protecting national interests.
He underscored Bangladesh's priority of ensuring safe, dignified and voluntary Rohingya repatriation.
Keynote speaker Ambassador Md Sufiur Rahman, a senior research fellow at SIPG, provided an analytical overview of the shifting political landscape in Rakhine.
He highlighted that 750,000 people have been displaced from Rakhine and that poverty in Rakhine has ascended to alarming levels.
He believes Bangladesh can play a pivotal stabilising role by providing humanitarian support and strengthening economic ties between Chittagong and Rakhine.
"Economic linkages can serve as a pathway to broader cooperation and peacebuilding," he said, while suggesting leveraging this to secure a peaceful border and a friendly neighbour.
Sk Tawfique M Haque, director of SIPG, urged a pragmatic policy toward the AA by recognising the fast-evolving situation in Rakhine and stopping the slow and silent influx of Rohingya Refugees since October 2023.
Bangladesh should balance security concerns with economic and diplomatic goals, he added.
Says CA’s representative on Rohingya issue
Bangladesh is maintaining contact with the Arakan Army (AA), which has occupied some 90 percent of Rakhine State, for the sake of protecting the country's border and Rohingya repatriation, said Khalilur Rahman, the chief adviser's high representative on the Rohingya issue.
"The day the AA raised its flag on our border, I instantly realised it's a new world -- you got to deal with them," he said at a seminar yesterday on the situation in Rakhine and implications for Bangladesh.
The seminar was organised by the South Asian Institute of Policy and Governance (SIPG) at the North South University premises.
Myanmar has been in civil war since the military coup that ousted the democratic government in February 2021.
The National Unity Government, the shadow government formed by the political leaders, and dozens of other ethnic groups, have been fighting the junta since then.
The AA, which seeks autonomy in Rakhine, controls the entire 271-kilometre-long border with Bangladesh and more than a million Rohingyas fled that state to Bangladesh.
"Mind you, this is our border and we have to protect, make it secure and make sure that we work in collaboration with whoever is on the other side. We reached out to them at a certain level," Rahman said.
Before that, he held a meeting with Julie Bishop, the UN secretary general's special envoy on Myanmar, over drafting a statement for the UN secretary general to the AA.
The statement communicated that the AA has to respect international human rights principles and abide by international laws.
At the seminar, Rahman also said, "A new neighbour is emerging and Bangladesh wants to be friendly with them and not dominate them. This is our only land border outside of our border with India. It is also in our national interest to reach out to them. We can begin the process of building trust, building confidence and lay the basis of longtime friendly relations."
He said he made it very clear that Bangladesh does not have any pipeline through Rakhine or any transit projects through Rakhine.
Abdul Hafiz, special assistant to the chief adviser on defence and national solidarity development, said diplomacy, backed by strategic deterrence based on a national consensus, is critical to protecting national interests.
He underscored Bangladesh's priority of ensuring safe, dignified and voluntary Rohingya repatriation.
Keynote speaker Ambassador Md Sufiur Rahman, a senior research fellow at SIPG, provided an analytical overview of the shifting political landscape in Rakhine.
He highlighted that 750,000 people have been displaced from Rakhine and that poverty in Rakhine has ascended to alarming levels.
He believes Bangladesh can play a pivotal stabilising role by providing humanitarian support and strengthening economic ties between Chittagong and Rakhine.
"Economic linkages can serve as a pathway to broader cooperation and peacebuilding," he said, while suggesting leveraging this to secure a peaceful border and a friendly neighbour.
Sk Tawfique M Haque, director of SIPG, urged a pragmatic policy toward the AA by recognising the fast-evolving situation in Rakhine and stopping the slow and silent influx of Rohingya Refugees since October 2023.
Bangladesh should balance security concerns with economic and diplomatic goals, he added.
Saif
Senior Member
- Joined
- Jan 24, 2024
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- 15,397
- Reaction score
- 7,874
- Nation
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Resolving the Rohingya crisis: Does Bangladesh need to shift gear?
Bangladesh should explore all possible options to revive the discussion on resolving the Rohingya crisis.
Resolving the Rohingya crisis: Does Bangladesh need to shift gear?
Rohingya refugees cross a bamboo-made bridge in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh, on May 2, 2024. FILE PHOTO: REUTERS
Recent developments in Myanmar, tensions at the Bangladesh-Myanmar and Bangladesh-India borders, and even the return of Donald Trump as president in the US have dramatically affected geopolitics in the South Asian region. While 64,718 Rohingya entered Bangladesh in 2024, according to the foreign ministry, and they continue to enter Bangladesh in small groups every day, according to the Rohingya living in the camps in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh needs to shift gear from talking about repatriation and start focusing on finding ways to stop the influx.
Based on the recent domestic political changes in Bangladesh, as well as the global changes, some questions arise in this regard. For one, when there is no instance of strict border closure in the past, can we hope that Bangladesh will be able to stop the (ir)regular small- and large-scale influxes of the Rohingya people? Also, since the country has not been able to successfully repatriate the Rohingya after the 2017 exodus, is it considering better alternatives to repatriation? While the foreign ministry considers the Arakan Army (AA) as a "non-state actor," Bangladesh has, on occasions, been in contact with the AA. Has the government done enough homework on how to engage with the AA, if necessary?
The Awami League government did not focus on formulating the country's own legal instruments, such as a national policy, regarding the Rohingya issue. What about the interim government? Has it started developing a national refugee policy or a national policy for the Rohingya? With the emergence of "Arakan" in Rakhine, now controlled by the Arakan Army, have all the stakeholders in Bangladesh reached a consensus on what strategies to adopt to deal with the situation? Indeed, questions abound. However, at present, it is important to understand the motives and motivations of the AA.
Strangely, a fake message claiming AA asked Bangladesh for help was circulated by some individuals without realising the damages it might cause. Some speculate that the supply chain for AA's daily essentials may be linked to Bangladesh. The Myanmar junta may cut the internal supply chain anytime. Relying completely on India for a long time is surely not prudent because of the costs involved with it. This may make AA somewhat dependent on Bangladesh. Yet, because of their strength in arms and planning, they have reasons to create a fearful and threatening environment at the Bangladesh-Myanmar border, which is now under their control.
But at the same time, it is necessary to have experts and others study the nature of AA and its background characteristics to deal with them.
Let's consider the AA's statement, "We recognise the human rights and citizen rights of the Rohingyas" (by Maj Gen Twan Mrat Naing). It may seem quite promising, but the fact is, in less than three years after making this statement in an interview with Bangladeshi journalists, they appeared before the Rohingya people in Rakhine as an equally brutal entity as the Tatmadaw. As a result, the 2024 influx took place.
Despite the negative sides, AA knows that it may have to rely on Bangladesh to maintain the supply chain for their survival. In the past, Bangladesh failed to seize this opportunity to start negotiations on the Rohingya issue. Will it now leap into action, or keep waiting for "the right time" to raise the issue? Realistically, there is no such thing as "the right time" when it comes to the situation of refugees like the Rohingya. It is all about protecting the human rights of over a million stateless people and saving Bangladesh from irreparable social, economic, and environmental damage.
It is not difficult to understand that the Rohingya issue may destabilise the entire region of South Asia. This is known to the global community as well. But we must remember, all superpowers, no matter how friendly they are with Bangladesh, have their investments in Myanmar. China and India have their own geopolitical and geo-economic interests in Rakhine, which dictate their policies for the region. Regional platforms may also remain passive. And the UN has so far been ineffective at doing anything to help Bangladesh resolve the crisis. So what other options are available to us?
There does not seem to be any practical alternative to meeting the AA with a strategic agenda. Engaging with a non-state actor is not an endorsement. And engaging with the AA may not even be enough to break the stalemate. It alone does not guarantee success. Engaging with other national, regional, and international actors simultaneously is necessary to bring the AA to the negotiating table.
Dr Ishrat Zakia Sultana is assistant professor in the Department of Political Science and Sociology at North South University (NSU).
Dr Sk Tawfique M Haque is professor and Director of the South Asian Institute of Policy of Governance (SIPG) at NSU.
Rohingya refugees cross a bamboo-made bridge in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh, on May 2, 2024. FILE PHOTO: REUTERS
Recent developments in Myanmar, tensions at the Bangladesh-Myanmar and Bangladesh-India borders, and even the return of Donald Trump as president in the US have dramatically affected geopolitics in the South Asian region. While 64,718 Rohingya entered Bangladesh in 2024, according to the foreign ministry, and they continue to enter Bangladesh in small groups every day, according to the Rohingya living in the camps in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh needs to shift gear from talking about repatriation and start focusing on finding ways to stop the influx.
Based on the recent domestic political changes in Bangladesh, as well as the global changes, some questions arise in this regard. For one, when there is no instance of strict border closure in the past, can we hope that Bangladesh will be able to stop the (ir)regular small- and large-scale influxes of the Rohingya people? Also, since the country has not been able to successfully repatriate the Rohingya after the 2017 exodus, is it considering better alternatives to repatriation? While the foreign ministry considers the Arakan Army (AA) as a "non-state actor," Bangladesh has, on occasions, been in contact with the AA. Has the government done enough homework on how to engage with the AA, if necessary?
The Awami League government did not focus on formulating the country's own legal instruments, such as a national policy, regarding the Rohingya issue. What about the interim government? Has it started developing a national refugee policy or a national policy for the Rohingya? With the emergence of "Arakan" in Rakhine, now controlled by the Arakan Army, have all the stakeholders in Bangladesh reached a consensus on what strategies to adopt to deal with the situation? Indeed, questions abound. However, at present, it is important to understand the motives and motivations of the AA.
Strangely, a fake message claiming AA asked Bangladesh for help was circulated by some individuals without realising the damages it might cause. Some speculate that the supply chain for AA's daily essentials may be linked to Bangladesh. The Myanmar junta may cut the internal supply chain anytime. Relying completely on India for a long time is surely not prudent because of the costs involved with it. This may make AA somewhat dependent on Bangladesh. Yet, because of their strength in arms and planning, they have reasons to create a fearful and threatening environment at the Bangladesh-Myanmar border, which is now under their control.
But at the same time, it is necessary to have experts and others study the nature of AA and its background characteristics to deal with them.
Let's consider the AA's statement, "We recognise the human rights and citizen rights of the Rohingyas" (by Maj Gen Twan Mrat Naing). It may seem quite promising, but the fact is, in less than three years after making this statement in an interview with Bangladeshi journalists, they appeared before the Rohingya people in Rakhine as an equally brutal entity as the Tatmadaw. As a result, the 2024 influx took place.
Despite the negative sides, AA knows that it may have to rely on Bangladesh to maintain the supply chain for their survival. In the past, Bangladesh failed to seize this opportunity to start negotiations on the Rohingya issue. Will it now leap into action, or keep waiting for "the right time" to raise the issue? Realistically, there is no such thing as "the right time" when it comes to the situation of refugees like the Rohingya. It is all about protecting the human rights of over a million stateless people and saving Bangladesh from irreparable social, economic, and environmental damage.
It is not difficult to understand that the Rohingya issue may destabilise the entire region of South Asia. This is known to the global community as well. But we must remember, all superpowers, no matter how friendly they are with Bangladesh, have their investments in Myanmar. China and India have their own geopolitical and geo-economic interests in Rakhine, which dictate their policies for the region. Regional platforms may also remain passive. And the UN has so far been ineffective at doing anything to help Bangladesh resolve the crisis. So what other options are available to us?
There does not seem to be any practical alternative to meeting the AA with a strategic agenda. Engaging with a non-state actor is not an endorsement. And engaging with the AA may not even be enough to break the stalemate. It alone does not guarantee success. Engaging with other national, regional, and international actors simultaneously is necessary to bring the AA to the negotiating table.
Dr Ishrat Zakia Sultana is assistant professor in the Department of Political Science and Sociology at North South University (NSU).
Dr Sk Tawfique M Haque is professor and Director of the South Asian Institute of Policy of Governance (SIPG) at NSU.
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Arakan Army returns 29 Bangladeshi fishermen taken from Naf River
Twenty-nine Bangladeshi fishermen who were taken by Myanmar's Arakan Army, were returned by the group after a week. The fishermen were brought back to Bangladesh on Thursday through the jetty at Shah Porir Dwip in Teknaf. "The 29 fishermen, who were taken by the Arakan Army while fishing in the N
Arakan Army returns 29 Bangladeshi fishermen taken from Naf River
UNB
Published :
Feb 27, 2025 22:34
Updated :
Feb 27, 2025 22:34
Twenty-nine Bangladeshi fishermen who were taken by Myanmar's Arakan Army, were returned by the group after a week.
The fishermen were brought back to Bangladesh on Thursday through the jetty at Shah Porir Dwip in Teknaf.
"The 29 fishermen, who were taken by the Arakan Army while fishing in the Naf River, have been brought back. Their health is being checked, and after the necessary procedures, they will be handed over to their families," said Teknaf Upazila Nirbahi Officer Sheikh Ehsan Uddin.
The return was facilitated by the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), who assisted in ensuring their safe passage back to the country.
Ten of the returning fishermen were identified as Md. Kala Mia (37), Md. Nurul Alam (39), Abdul Rahman (19), Md. Abul Kalam Ahmed (29), Md. Lalu (11), Md. Kabir Ahmed (43), Mohammad Yunus (23), Nurul Islam (34), Md. Lutfor Rahman (23), and Rahim Ullah (21). All are residents of Shah Porir Dwip, Majherpara. The names of the remaining fishermen were yet to be known.
According to local authorities, the group of 29 fishermen, who had accidentally crossed the border while fishing on February 11 and 20, were held by the Arakan Army. The fishermen had been aboard six motorised boats when they were captured by the group.
UNB
Published :
Feb 27, 2025 22:34
Updated :
Feb 27, 2025 22:34
Twenty-nine Bangladeshi fishermen who were taken by Myanmar's Arakan Army, were returned by the group after a week.
The fishermen were brought back to Bangladesh on Thursday through the jetty at Shah Porir Dwip in Teknaf.
"The 29 fishermen, who were taken by the Arakan Army while fishing in the Naf River, have been brought back. Their health is being checked, and after the necessary procedures, they will be handed over to their families," said Teknaf Upazila Nirbahi Officer Sheikh Ehsan Uddin.
The return was facilitated by the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), who assisted in ensuring their safe passage back to the country.
Ten of the returning fishermen were identified as Md. Kala Mia (37), Md. Nurul Alam (39), Abdul Rahman (19), Md. Abul Kalam Ahmed (29), Md. Lalu (11), Md. Kabir Ahmed (43), Mohammad Yunus (23), Nurul Islam (34), Md. Lutfor Rahman (23), and Rahim Ullah (21). All are residents of Shah Porir Dwip, Majherpara. The names of the remaining fishermen were yet to be known.
According to local authorities, the group of 29 fishermen, who had accidentally crossed the border while fishing on February 11 and 20, were held by the Arakan Army. The fishermen had been aboard six motorised boats when they were captured by the group.
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Arakan Army taking 'tariff' from border trade
On December 8 last year, the Arakan Army announced that it had seized control of the 271-kilometer border shared by Bangladesh and Myanmar after seizing a Border Guard Police’s (BGP) base in Rakhine State.
Arakan Army taking 'tariff' from border trade
Home adviser Jahangir Alam Chowdhury confirms
Home Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury. Photo: Collected
Speculation over the Arakan Army's demand for "tariff" from the border trade between Bangladesh and Myanmar was confirmed by Home Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury yesterday.
At a briefing at the Cox's Bazar Deputy Commissioner's office following discussions with home and agriculture ministry officials, he elaborated on the scenario.
Replying to a question, he said, "First there is the Myanmar government which collects taxes for goods coming in from Sittwe. But, since the border is controlled by the Arakan Army, they too collect taxes. This is a difficult situation. A senior representative has been appointed to address the issue," he said.
He said Khalilur Rahman, special assistant to the chief adviser (equivalent to state minister), has been appointed as the liaison in this regard.
Chowdhury added that the government is maintaining communications with both the Myanmar government and the Arakan Army.
This is the first time a high-ranking government representative has publicly acknowledged the Arakan Army's intentions in a briefing with journalists.
On December 8 last year, the Arakan Army announced that it had seized control of the 271-kilometer border shared by Bangladesh and Myanmar after seizing a Border Guard Police's (BGP) base in Rakhine State.
In a statement, it imposed an indefinite ban on vessel movement in the Arakan waters of the Naf River. Since then, no cargo ships have arrived in Teknaf.
Businessmen based in Teknaf land port, on condition of anonymity, alleged that the Arakan Army was detaining cargo ships and demanding payments.
On January 16, the Arakan Army intercepted three cargo vessels, en route from Yangon to Teknaf, in the Naikhongdia area of the Naf River estuary. Four days later, two vessels were released, while the third was freed on February 1.
Most recently, on February 10, the Arakan Army chased down a timber-laden trawler near Golar Chor in Shah Porir Island using speedboats and seized it. The vessel has not yet been released.
Jasim Uddin, general manager of United Land Port in Teknaf, which is commonly known as Teknaf land port, said the last boat arrived at the port on February 1 after being released by the Arakan Army.
"It has been one month since there has been trade between Myanmar and Bangladesh through Teknaf Land Port," he said.
He also mentioned that the boat which arrived on February 1 is still at the port as they are unwilling to return to Yangon due to security concerns.
A businessman from Teknaf, who frequently imports goods from Myanmar, said on condition of anonymity that the Arakan Army released the three seized boats after it received the same amount of money that was paid as tax to the Myanmar government.
The exporters in Myanmar paid them off and charged it to Bangladeshi businessmen, he said.
He further said that after learning about the issue, the Myanmar government stopped trade with Bangladesh through Teknaf as they did not want the Arakan Army to benefit financially.
Shawkat Ali, a businessman at the port, said Teknaf is a more viable option for trading with Myanmar since using Chattogram significantly increases costs and time.
"Lead times to import goods from Myanmar through Teknaf is five to seven days while using Chattogram requires at least a month," he explained.
Import-export falling year after year
Due to the cross-border conflict, trade through Teknaf land port has experienced a significant downturn over the past two fiscal years, according to data from Teknaf Customs.
In FY23, 188,999 metric tonnes of goods, valued at approximately Tk 1,545 crore, were imported from Myanmar through the Teknaf land port, while Bangladesh exported 2,941 metric tonnes of goods worth Tk 6.72 crore.
However, in FY24, imports dropped sharply to 71,741 metric tonnes, valued at approximately Tk 808 crore. Exports also saw a significant decline, with only 704 metric tonnes of goods, valued at Tk 2.45 crore, shipped to Myanmar.
In the first six months of the current fiscal year, Bangladesh imported 11,129 metric tonnes of goods worth around Tk 113 crore. During the same period, 636 metric tonnes of goods valued at approximately Tk 64 lakh were exported to Myanmar.
The imported items primarily include dry fish, chilled fish, betel nuts, onions, ginger, coconuts, wood, and other goods. Bangladesh's main exports to Myanmar are cement and potatoes.
Home adviser Jahangir Alam Chowdhury confirms
Home Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury. Photo: Collected
Speculation over the Arakan Army's demand for "tariff" from the border trade between Bangladesh and Myanmar was confirmed by Home Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury yesterday.
At a briefing at the Cox's Bazar Deputy Commissioner's office following discussions with home and agriculture ministry officials, he elaborated on the scenario.
Replying to a question, he said, "First there is the Myanmar government which collects taxes for goods coming in from Sittwe. But, since the border is controlled by the Arakan Army, they too collect taxes. This is a difficult situation. A senior representative has been appointed to address the issue," he said.
He said Khalilur Rahman, special assistant to the chief adviser (equivalent to state minister), has been appointed as the liaison in this regard.
Chowdhury added that the government is maintaining communications with both the Myanmar government and the Arakan Army.
This is the first time a high-ranking government representative has publicly acknowledged the Arakan Army's intentions in a briefing with journalists.
On December 8 last year, the Arakan Army announced that it had seized control of the 271-kilometer border shared by Bangladesh and Myanmar after seizing a Border Guard Police's (BGP) base in Rakhine State.
In a statement, it imposed an indefinite ban on vessel movement in the Arakan waters of the Naf River. Since then, no cargo ships have arrived in Teknaf.
Businessmen based in Teknaf land port, on condition of anonymity, alleged that the Arakan Army was detaining cargo ships and demanding payments.
On January 16, the Arakan Army intercepted three cargo vessels, en route from Yangon to Teknaf, in the Naikhongdia area of the Naf River estuary. Four days later, two vessels were released, while the third was freed on February 1.
Most recently, on February 10, the Arakan Army chased down a timber-laden trawler near Golar Chor in Shah Porir Island using speedboats and seized it. The vessel has not yet been released.
Jasim Uddin, general manager of United Land Port in Teknaf, which is commonly known as Teknaf land port, said the last boat arrived at the port on February 1 after being released by the Arakan Army.
"It has been one month since there has been trade between Myanmar and Bangladesh through Teknaf Land Port," he said.
He also mentioned that the boat which arrived on February 1 is still at the port as they are unwilling to return to Yangon due to security concerns.
A businessman from Teknaf, who frequently imports goods from Myanmar, said on condition of anonymity that the Arakan Army released the three seized boats after it received the same amount of money that was paid as tax to the Myanmar government.
The exporters in Myanmar paid them off and charged it to Bangladeshi businessmen, he said.
He further said that after learning about the issue, the Myanmar government stopped trade with Bangladesh through Teknaf as they did not want the Arakan Army to benefit financially.
Shawkat Ali, a businessman at the port, said Teknaf is a more viable option for trading with Myanmar since using Chattogram significantly increases costs and time.
"Lead times to import goods from Myanmar through Teknaf is five to seven days while using Chattogram requires at least a month," he explained.
Import-export falling year after year
Due to the cross-border conflict, trade through Teknaf land port has experienced a significant downturn over the past two fiscal years, according to data from Teknaf Customs.
In FY23, 188,999 metric tonnes of goods, valued at approximately Tk 1,545 crore, were imported from Myanmar through the Teknaf land port, while Bangladesh exported 2,941 metric tonnes of goods worth Tk 6.72 crore.
However, in FY24, imports dropped sharply to 71,741 metric tonnes, valued at approximately Tk 808 crore. Exports also saw a significant decline, with only 704 metric tonnes of goods, valued at Tk 2.45 crore, shipped to Myanmar.
In the first six months of the current fiscal year, Bangladesh imported 11,129 metric tonnes of goods worth around Tk 113 crore. During the same period, 636 metric tonnes of goods valued at approximately Tk 64 lakh were exported to Myanmar.
The imported items primarily include dry fish, chilled fish, betel nuts, onions, ginger, coconuts, wood, and other goods. Bangladesh's main exports to Myanmar are cement and potatoes.
Saif
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6 Rohingyas held en route to Jashore
Based on a secret tip-off, they were arrested from Khulna-bound Soudia Paribahan and MR Paribahan buses in Magura
6 Rohingyas held en route to Jashore
Illustration: Star Digital Graphics
Detective Branch has arrested six Rohingyas in Magura who were on their way to Jashore from Balukhali refugee camp in Cox's Bazar's Ukhiya.
The arrestees are Sanaullah, 38, of Balukhali refugee camp, Mohammad Ayub, 26, of Lambasia camp in Kutupalong, Razia Begum, 20, a camp in Ukhiya, Mohammad Arzu, 20, of Rohingya camp 17, and Mohammad Erfan, 25, of Rohingya camp 13. The other arrestee was a 15-year-old of Rohingya camp 5.
Based on a secret tip-off, they were arrested from Khulna-bound Soudia Paribahan and MR Paribahan buses in the Wapda Bus Stand area of Sreepur upazila of Magura, confirmed Magura Additional Superintendent of Police Crime Mohammad Mirajul Islam.
ASP Mirajul said Sanaullah concealed his identity and presented a Bangladeshi NID card which showed his current address in Tejgaon Industrial Area of Dhaka and Modrama Ghona village in Naikhangchhari area of Bandarban district as his permanent address.
During their interrogation, police found out that the five other Rohingya, led by Sanaullah, were going to Jashore to make Bangladeshi national identity cards.
Illustration: Star Digital Graphics
Detective Branch has arrested six Rohingyas in Magura who were on their way to Jashore from Balukhali refugee camp in Cox's Bazar's Ukhiya.
The arrestees are Sanaullah, 38, of Balukhali refugee camp, Mohammad Ayub, 26, of Lambasia camp in Kutupalong, Razia Begum, 20, a camp in Ukhiya, Mohammad Arzu, 20, of Rohingya camp 17, and Mohammad Erfan, 25, of Rohingya camp 13. The other arrestee was a 15-year-old of Rohingya camp 5.
Based on a secret tip-off, they were arrested from Khulna-bound Soudia Paribahan and MR Paribahan buses in the Wapda Bus Stand area of Sreepur upazila of Magura, confirmed Magura Additional Superintendent of Police Crime Mohammad Mirajul Islam.
ASP Mirajul said Sanaullah concealed his identity and presented a Bangladeshi NID card which showed his current address in Tejgaon Industrial Area of Dhaka and Modrama Ghona village in Naikhangchhari area of Bandarban district as his permanent address.
During their interrogation, police found out that the five other Rohingya, led by Sanaullah, were going to Jashore to make Bangladeshi national identity cards.
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EU vows pressure on Myanmar, pledges €68m for Rohingyas
Visiting EU Commissioner for Equality, Preparedness and Crisis Management Hadja Lahbib yesterday assured that the European Union would impose political and economic pressure on Myanmar to resolve the Rohingya crisis
EU vows pressure on Myanmar, pledges €68m for Rohingyas
Photo: MoFA
Visiting EU Commissioner for Equality, Preparedness and Crisis Management Hadja Lahbib yesterday assured that the European Union would impose political and economic pressure on Myanmar to resolve the Rohingya crisis.
She also announced that the EU will provide €68 million this year for Rohingyas and the Bangladeshi host community in Cox's Bazar.
Lahbib made the pledges during a meeting with Foreign Adviser Md Touhid Hossain at the foreign ministry, according to a ministry statement.
During the meeting, the EU commissioner shared her first-hand experience from visiting Rohingya camps in Cox's Bazar yesterday and lauded Bangladesh's generosity in hosting the forcibly displaced Rohingyas.
She also praised Bangladesh's initiative in organising the High-level Conference on Rohingyas, scheduled to be held in New York in October 2025.
Beyond the Rohingya issue, Lahbib expressed the EU's strong support for the interim government and its reform initiatives.
"It's a pivotal moment in the history of Bangladesh, which needs new partnerships and new cooperation," the ministry statement quoted her as saying.
The foreign adviser said Bangladesh's relationship with the EU remains strong.
He thanked the EU commissioner for her visit and expressed deep concern over Myanmar's political situation and its impact on the Rohingya crisis and regional security.
Emphasising that the ultimate solution lies in the repatriation of the Rohingyas to Myanmar, he urged the international community to take action.
Both sides also discussed disaster management, recognising the need for stronger collaboration in preparedness and response, given the increasing frequency of natural calamities in both Europe and Bangladesh.
The foreign adviser thanked the EU for its support and sought continued technical and financial assistance to further improve Bangladesh's disaster management capabilities.
Earlier, Commissioner Lahbib met Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus.
Photo: MoFA
Visiting EU Commissioner for Equality, Preparedness and Crisis Management Hadja Lahbib yesterday assured that the European Union would impose political and economic pressure on Myanmar to resolve the Rohingya crisis.
She also announced that the EU will provide €68 million this year for Rohingyas and the Bangladeshi host community in Cox's Bazar.
Lahbib made the pledges during a meeting with Foreign Adviser Md Touhid Hossain at the foreign ministry, according to a ministry statement.
During the meeting, the EU commissioner shared her first-hand experience from visiting Rohingya camps in Cox's Bazar yesterday and lauded Bangladesh's generosity in hosting the forcibly displaced Rohingyas.
She also praised Bangladesh's initiative in organising the High-level Conference on Rohingyas, scheduled to be held in New York in October 2025.
Beyond the Rohingya issue, Lahbib expressed the EU's strong support for the interim government and its reform initiatives.
"It's a pivotal moment in the history of Bangladesh, which needs new partnerships and new cooperation," the ministry statement quoted her as saying.
The foreign adviser said Bangladesh's relationship with the EU remains strong.
He thanked the EU commissioner for her visit and expressed deep concern over Myanmar's political situation and its impact on the Rohingya crisis and regional security.
Emphasising that the ultimate solution lies in the repatriation of the Rohingyas to Myanmar, he urged the international community to take action.
Both sides also discussed disaster management, recognising the need for stronger collaboration in preparedness and response, given the increasing frequency of natural calamities in both Europe and Bangladesh.
The foreign adviser thanked the EU for its support and sought continued technical and financial assistance to further improve Bangladesh's disaster management capabilities.
Earlier, Commissioner Lahbib met Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus.
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Junta chief heads for meeting with key ally Putin
Myanmar’s junta chief yesterday departed for talks with President Vladimir Putin in Russia, a key ally and arms supplier for the isolated state struggling to quell violent opposition to military rule.
Junta chief heads for meeting with key ally Putin
Myanmar's junta chief yesterday departed for talks with President Vladimir Putin in Russia, a key ally and arms supplier for the isolated state struggling to quell violent opposition to military rule.
Min Aung Hlaing, who seized power in a 2021 coup, left the capital Naypyidaw with a retinue of high-ranking officials, according the junta's information service, and is due to meet Putin today.
Analysts say Moscow's support has become vital to the military administration, particularly its air force, as it battles an array of ethnic minority armed groups and pro-democracy guerrillas on multiple fronts.
The junta suffered significant territorial losses after a 2023 rebel offensive but its air power has been pivotal to arresting the advance of opposition forces.
"Russia has been invaluable in helping them keep their air fleet afloat," Morgan Michaels, research fellow at the International Institute for Strategic Studies think tank, told AFP.
Myanmar's junta chief yesterday departed for talks with President Vladimir Putin in Russia, a key ally and arms supplier for the isolated state struggling to quell violent opposition to military rule.
Min Aung Hlaing, who seized power in a 2021 coup, left the capital Naypyidaw with a retinue of high-ranking officials, according the junta's information service, and is due to meet Putin today.
Analysts say Moscow's support has become vital to the military administration, particularly its air force, as it battles an array of ethnic minority armed groups and pro-democracy guerrillas on multiple fronts.
The junta suffered significant territorial losses after a 2023 rebel offensive but its air power has been pivotal to arresting the advance of opposition forces.
"Russia has been invaluable in helping them keep their air fleet afloat," Morgan Michaels, research fellow at the International Institute for Strategic Studies think tank, told AFP.
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Upcoming visit of Guterres and Rohingya crisis
The upcoming visit of United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres to Bangladesh, scheduled from March 13 to 16, 2025, comes at a pivotal moment in the protracted Rohingya refugee crisis. Since 2017 over one million Rohingya refugees have fled their homeland in Myanmar's Rakhine State,
Upcoming visit of Guterres and Rohingya crisis
MIR MOSTAFIZUR RAHAMAN
Published :
Mar 03, 2025 22:21
Updated :
Mar 03, 2025 22:21
United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres -- File Photo
The upcoming visit of United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres to Bangladesh, scheduled from March 13 to 16, 2025, comes at a pivotal moment in the protracted Rohingya refugee crisis. Since 2017 over one million Rohingya refugees have fled their homeland in Myanmar's Rakhine State, seeking sanctuary in neighboring Bangladesh. This mass exodus has not only created one of the largest humanitarian crises of our time but has also placed an immense socio-economic burden on Bangladesh, a country already grappling with its own developmental challenges. As the UN chief prepares to visit Dhaka, it is expected that the international community's attention will be once again drawn to the plight of the Rohingyas and the urgent need for a sustainable solution to this crisis.
The Rohingya crisis is a stark reminder of the failures of global governance and the inadequacies of international mechanisms to address forced displacement and ethnic persecution. Despite numerous high-level discussions, diplomatic efforts, and promises, not a single Rohingya refugee has been repatriated to Myanmar. The refugees continue to live in overcrowded camps in Cox's Bazar, enduring conditions that are nearly inhuman. The lack of adequate healthcare, education, and livelihood opportunities has left the Rohingya community in a state of despair, with many losing hope for a better future. The situation is further exacerbated by the ongoing civil war in Myanmar, where the ruling military junta is losing control over vast territories, including Rakhine State, which is now under the control of the Arakan Army, a rebel group fighting against the government.
Against this backdrop, the UN Secretary-General's visit to Bangladesh is seen as a critical opportunity to reinvigorate international efforts to resolve the Rohingya crisis. In a letter to Bangladesh's Chief Adviser, Dr. Muhammad Yunus, Mr. Guterres reiterated the importance of expediting the safe and voluntary repatriation of the Rohingya to their homeland. He pledged to work with all stakeholders, including regional actors and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), to create conditions conducive to their return. This commitment is a welcome step, but it must be followed by concrete actions to address the root causes of the crisis and ensure the safety and dignity of the Rohingya people.
The Secretary-General's letter also highlighted the UN's efforts to mobilise international support for Bangladesh as the host country. He assured that the United Nations would continue to provide humanitarian aid and livelihood support to the Rohingya and other affected communities in Rakhine. Additionally, Mr. Guterres emphasised the importance of enabling safe, rapid, and unhindered humanitarian access to those in need in Rakhine and throughout Myanmar. These assurances are crucial, but they must be backed by sustained financial and political commitments from the international community.
One of the key challenges in resolving the Rohingya crisis is the lack of a unified and coordinated approach among global stakeholders. While Bangladesh has shown remarkable generosity in hosting the refugees, it cannot bear this burden alone. The international community must step up its efforts to share the responsibility and provide the necessary resources to support the Rohingya and their host country. The upcoming High-level Conference on the situation of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar, as mentioned by Mr. Guterres, could be a significant opportunity to galvanize global attention and develop a comprehensive plan of action. However, the success of this conference will depend on the willingness of member states to move beyond rhetoric and take concrete steps toward a political solution.
The Rohingya crisis is not just a humanitarian issue; it is also a threat to regional stability. Experts have long warned that the prolonged displacement of the Rohingya could lead to radicalization and exacerbate security challenges in the region. Reports of Rohingya involvement in criminal activities, including human trafficking, drug smuggling, and even terrorism, are deeply concerning. These issues underscore the urgent need for a holistic approach that addresses both the immediate humanitarian needs of the refugees and the long-term political and security implications of the crisis.
The visit of the UN Secretary-General to Bangladesh is an opportunity to put the Rohingya crisis back in the global spotlight. In recent years, the issue has been overshadowed by other refugee crises, such as those in Sudan, Gaza, and Ukraine. While these crises deserve equal attention, the world must not forget the plight of the Rohingya, who have been denied their basic rights and dignity for far too long. The international community must recognse that the Rohingya crisis is not just a regional problem but a global responsibility.
Another issue of grave concern is the decline in humanitarian aid to the Rohingya refugees. The UNSG also needs to highlight this angle of saving the lives of over a million people.
As Mr. Guterres prepares to engage with Bangladeshi leaders and other stakeholders during his visit, it is imperative that he uses his influence to push for a coordinated and inclusive approach to resolving the crisis. This includes engaging with Myanmar's military government, the Arakan Army, and other regional actors to create a conducive environment for the safe return of the Rohingya. It also requires addressing the root causes of the crisis, including the systemic discrimination and persecution faced by the Rohingya in Myanmar.
The UN Secretary-General's visit to Bangladesh is a reminder that the world cannot afford to turn a blind eye to the suffering of the Rohingya. The crisis is a test of the international community's commitment to human rights, justice, and the principles of the United Nations. As Mr. Guterres himself has acknowledged, the solution to the Rohingya crisis requires a political solution in Myanmar, supported by sustained international engagement and solidarity. The time for action is now. The Rohingya people have waited long enough for justice and a chance to return to their homeland with dignity and safety. The world must not fail them again.
MIR MOSTAFIZUR RAHAMAN
Published :
Mar 03, 2025 22:21
Updated :
Mar 03, 2025 22:21
United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres -- File Photo
The upcoming visit of United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres to Bangladesh, scheduled from March 13 to 16, 2025, comes at a pivotal moment in the protracted Rohingya refugee crisis. Since 2017 over one million Rohingya refugees have fled their homeland in Myanmar's Rakhine State, seeking sanctuary in neighboring Bangladesh. This mass exodus has not only created one of the largest humanitarian crises of our time but has also placed an immense socio-economic burden on Bangladesh, a country already grappling with its own developmental challenges. As the UN chief prepares to visit Dhaka, it is expected that the international community's attention will be once again drawn to the plight of the Rohingyas and the urgent need for a sustainable solution to this crisis.
The Rohingya crisis is a stark reminder of the failures of global governance and the inadequacies of international mechanisms to address forced displacement and ethnic persecution. Despite numerous high-level discussions, diplomatic efforts, and promises, not a single Rohingya refugee has been repatriated to Myanmar. The refugees continue to live in overcrowded camps in Cox's Bazar, enduring conditions that are nearly inhuman. The lack of adequate healthcare, education, and livelihood opportunities has left the Rohingya community in a state of despair, with many losing hope for a better future. The situation is further exacerbated by the ongoing civil war in Myanmar, where the ruling military junta is losing control over vast territories, including Rakhine State, which is now under the control of the Arakan Army, a rebel group fighting against the government.
Against this backdrop, the UN Secretary-General's visit to Bangladesh is seen as a critical opportunity to reinvigorate international efforts to resolve the Rohingya crisis. In a letter to Bangladesh's Chief Adviser, Dr. Muhammad Yunus, Mr. Guterres reiterated the importance of expediting the safe and voluntary repatriation of the Rohingya to their homeland. He pledged to work with all stakeholders, including regional actors and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), to create conditions conducive to their return. This commitment is a welcome step, but it must be followed by concrete actions to address the root causes of the crisis and ensure the safety and dignity of the Rohingya people.
The Secretary-General's letter also highlighted the UN's efforts to mobilise international support for Bangladesh as the host country. He assured that the United Nations would continue to provide humanitarian aid and livelihood support to the Rohingya and other affected communities in Rakhine. Additionally, Mr. Guterres emphasised the importance of enabling safe, rapid, and unhindered humanitarian access to those in need in Rakhine and throughout Myanmar. These assurances are crucial, but they must be backed by sustained financial and political commitments from the international community.
One of the key challenges in resolving the Rohingya crisis is the lack of a unified and coordinated approach among global stakeholders. While Bangladesh has shown remarkable generosity in hosting the refugees, it cannot bear this burden alone. The international community must step up its efforts to share the responsibility and provide the necessary resources to support the Rohingya and their host country. The upcoming High-level Conference on the situation of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar, as mentioned by Mr. Guterres, could be a significant opportunity to galvanize global attention and develop a comprehensive plan of action. However, the success of this conference will depend on the willingness of member states to move beyond rhetoric and take concrete steps toward a political solution.
The Rohingya crisis is not just a humanitarian issue; it is also a threat to regional stability. Experts have long warned that the prolonged displacement of the Rohingya could lead to radicalization and exacerbate security challenges in the region. Reports of Rohingya involvement in criminal activities, including human trafficking, drug smuggling, and even terrorism, are deeply concerning. These issues underscore the urgent need for a holistic approach that addresses both the immediate humanitarian needs of the refugees and the long-term political and security implications of the crisis.
The visit of the UN Secretary-General to Bangladesh is an opportunity to put the Rohingya crisis back in the global spotlight. In recent years, the issue has been overshadowed by other refugee crises, such as those in Sudan, Gaza, and Ukraine. While these crises deserve equal attention, the world must not forget the plight of the Rohingya, who have been denied their basic rights and dignity for far too long. The international community must recognse that the Rohingya crisis is not just a regional problem but a global responsibility.
Another issue of grave concern is the decline in humanitarian aid to the Rohingya refugees. The UNSG also needs to highlight this angle of saving the lives of over a million people.
As Mr. Guterres prepares to engage with Bangladeshi leaders and other stakeholders during his visit, it is imperative that he uses his influence to push for a coordinated and inclusive approach to resolving the crisis. This includes engaging with Myanmar's military government, the Arakan Army, and other regional actors to create a conducive environment for the safe return of the Rohingya. It also requires addressing the root causes of the crisis, including the systemic discrimination and persecution faced by the Rohingya in Myanmar.
The UN Secretary-General's visit to Bangladesh is a reminder that the world cannot afford to turn a blind eye to the suffering of the Rohingya. The crisis is a test of the international community's commitment to human rights, justice, and the principles of the United Nations. As Mr. Guterres himself has acknowledged, the solution to the Rohingya crisis requires a political solution in Myanmar, supported by sustained international engagement and solidarity. The time for action is now. The Rohingya people have waited long enough for justice and a chance to return to their homeland with dignity and safety. The world must not fail them again.
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4,000 displaced by battle for port site in Rakhine
Fierce fighting between Myanmar’s military junta and ethnic minority rebels closing in on the planned site of a strategic China-backed port has displaced 4,000 people, a local aid worker said yesterday.
4,000 displaced by battle for port site in Rakhine
Says Myanmar aid group
Fierce fighting between Myanmar's military junta and ethnic minority rebels closing in on the planned site of a strategic China-backed port has displaced 4,000 people, a local aid worker said yesterday.
The Arakan Army (AA) is battling the military in western Rakhine state, where projects including oil pipelines, power plants and transport links are sprouting up with billions of dollars of Chinese funding. The region has emerged as a key front in Myanmar's civil war, pitching a myriad of rebels and pro-democracy fighters against the junta.
Says Myanmar aid group
Fierce fighting between Myanmar's military junta and ethnic minority rebels closing in on the planned site of a strategic China-backed port has displaced 4,000 people, a local aid worker said yesterday.
The Arakan Army (AA) is battling the military in western Rakhine state, where projects including oil pipelines, power plants and transport links are sprouting up with billions of dollars of Chinese funding. The region has emerged as a key front in Myanmar's civil war, pitching a myriad of rebels and pro-democracy fighters against the junta.
Saif
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UN to halve food budget for Rohingyas in Bangladesh camps
The United Nations is going to reduce its allocation for food for Rohingyas in Bangladesh from $12.50 to $6 a month per person from the next month...
www.newagebd.net
UN to halve food budget for Rohingyas in Bangladesh camps
Staff Correspondent 05 March, 2025, 23:14
The United Nations is going to reduce its allocation for food for Rohingyas in Bangladesh from $12.50 to $6 a month per person from the next month.
Officials at the Office of the Refugee Relief and Repatriation Commissioner said that they received a letter from the UN in this regard on Wednesday.
‘We are aware of the decision to reduce food support for the Rohingya people sheltered in Bangladesh camps. We are working with the donors and the donors are also working among themselves to find a way to address it,’ said Khalilur Rahman, high representative on Rohingya problem and priority issues affairs to the chief adviser.
He told New Age that the government was hopeful of a positive outcome soon.
The officials at the RRRC said that the UN letter had mentioned that the UN would reduce the allocation for food for Rohingyas from April 1 due to fund shortage.
According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the interim government has continued efforts to send back Rohingyas to their homeland Myanmar without any progress, with the number of displaced people sheltered in Bangladesh camps now standing at 1.3 million.
Myanmar’s military regime and international communities, including the United Nations Refugee Agency, have generally been blamed for the failure to send back Rohingya people to Myanmar since the large-scale exodus that began in August 2017, amid a military crackdown on the persecuted community in the Rakhine state of Myanmar.
The number of Rohingyas sheltered in Bangladesh camps is increasing with an average new births of 30,000 every year.
The government data shows that, out of the total Rohingya people sheltered in Bangladesh camps, 10,05,520 are registered.
Staff Correspondent 05 March, 2025, 23:14
The United Nations is going to reduce its allocation for food for Rohingyas in Bangladesh from $12.50 to $6 a month per person from the next month.
Officials at the Office of the Refugee Relief and Repatriation Commissioner said that they received a letter from the UN in this regard on Wednesday.
‘We are aware of the decision to reduce food support for the Rohingya people sheltered in Bangladesh camps. We are working with the donors and the donors are also working among themselves to find a way to address it,’ said Khalilur Rahman, high representative on Rohingya problem and priority issues affairs to the chief adviser.
He told New Age that the government was hopeful of a positive outcome soon.
The officials at the RRRC said that the UN letter had mentioned that the UN would reduce the allocation for food for Rohingyas from April 1 due to fund shortage.
According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the interim government has continued efforts to send back Rohingyas to their homeland Myanmar without any progress, with the number of displaced people sheltered in Bangladesh camps now standing at 1.3 million.
Myanmar’s military regime and international communities, including the United Nations Refugee Agency, have generally been blamed for the failure to send back Rohingya people to Myanmar since the large-scale exodus that began in August 2017, amid a military crackdown on the persecuted community in the Rakhine state of Myanmar.
The number of Rohingyas sheltered in Bangladesh camps is increasing with an average new births of 30,000 every year.
The government data shows that, out of the total Rohingya people sheltered in Bangladesh camps, 10,05,520 are registered.
Saif
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RSO member stabbed to death in Rohingya camp in Ukhiya
A member of the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation was stabbed to death allegedly by the members of their rival organisation, Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, at Block M in the camp-20 under Ukhiya upazila in Cox’s Bazar Tuesday night...
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RSO member stabbed to death in Rohingya camp in Ukhiya
Staff Correspondent 05 March, 2025, 20:42
A member of the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation was stabbed to death allegedly by the members of their rival organisation, Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, at Block M in the camp-20 under Ukhiya upazila in Cox’s Bazar Tuesday night.
The deceased, Mohammad Nur, 30, of the camp, is the head majhi of the camp. Head majhi is the leader of a particular community of Rohingyas.
The police arrested a Rohingya youth, Md Mozammel, 32, on Wednesday for his alleged involvement in the murder.
14th Armed Police Battalion commander Siraj Amin, also an additional deputy inspector general, said that Nur was stabbed by four or five miscreants with sharp weapons at about 8:30pm on Tuesday inside the camp.
He died on the spot, the police officer said.
‘Nur met the fatal attack when he was on his way to his shed from his grocery shop. The miscreants fled the scene after stabbing Nur in the dark,’ said Siraj.
Several police officials and local people claimed that the attack was carried out by ARSA members.
Ukhiya police station officer-in-charge Mohammad Arif Hossain said that they arrested a Rohingya youth in this connection on Wednesday and a murder case was also filed against 13 people.
Asked about the allegations of the attack by ARSA members, OC Arif said that they were investigating the matter.
Staff Correspondent 05 March, 2025, 20:42
A member of the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation was stabbed to death allegedly by the members of their rival organisation, Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, at Block M in the camp-20 under Ukhiya upazila in Cox’s Bazar Tuesday night.
The deceased, Mohammad Nur, 30, of the camp, is the head majhi of the camp. Head majhi is the leader of a particular community of Rohingyas.
The police arrested a Rohingya youth, Md Mozammel, 32, on Wednesday for his alleged involvement in the murder.
14th Armed Police Battalion commander Siraj Amin, also an additional deputy inspector general, said that Nur was stabbed by four or five miscreants with sharp weapons at about 8:30pm on Tuesday inside the camp.
He died on the spot, the police officer said.
‘Nur met the fatal attack when he was on his way to his shed from his grocery shop. The miscreants fled the scene after stabbing Nur in the dark,’ said Siraj.
Several police officials and local people claimed that the attack was carried out by ARSA members.
Ukhiya police station officer-in-charge Mohammad Arif Hossain said that they arrested a Rohingya youth in this connection on Wednesday and a murder case was also filed against 13 people.
Asked about the allegations of the attack by ARSA members, OC Arif said that they were investigating the matter.
Saif
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World community must work on UN Rohingya food aid cut
THE United Nations’ sudden and drastic reduction in monthly food aid, by 52 per cent, could be devastating for more than a million of the Rohingyas now sheltered in Bangladesh. The World Food Programme on March 5 announced that it would reduce its allocation for food for the Rohingyas in...
www.newagebd.net
World community must work on UN Rohingya food aid cut
07 March, 2025, 00:00
THE United Nations’ sudden and drastic reduction in monthly food aid, by 52 per cent, could be devastating for more than a million of the Rohingyas now sheltered in Bangladesh. The World Food Programme on March 5 announced that it would reduce its allocation for food for the Rohingyas in Bangladesh from $12.5 to $6 per person beginning on April 1 and cited a fund shortage as the reason for the decision. The UN office is reported to have verbally conveyed the decision to the Bangladesh government the day before. The UN move would very well result in a huge blow to not only the sustenance but also the health and safety of the largest refugee settlement in the world. The number of the Rohingyas staying in Bangladesh exceeds 1.3 million, with the large-scale influx having taken place since August 2017 against the backdrop of violence against the Rohingyas, which the United Nations that time likened to ‘a textbook example of ethnic cleansing.’ The Rohingya population is also reported to be increasing by 30,000 new births on an average every year. Official data say that 1,005,520 of the Rohingya people in Bangladesh are registered.
Khalilur Rahman, who was appointed the high representative to the chief adviser on Rohingya crisis and priority affairs on November 19, 2024, seeks to say that the government is working with donors, who are working among themselves, to find a way out of this situation, hoping for an early positive outcome. The ministry of foreign affairs also says that the interim government is keeping up efforts to repatriate the Rohingyas to their homeland Myanmar. But nothing tangible has been forthcoming on this front. The failure in the repatriation of the Rohingyas is blamed on Myanmar’s military regime, which has created a fearful situation and deflected any bilateral or multilateral efforts for a sustainable repatriation of the Rohingyas, and the world community, including the United Nations, which has failed to impress on Myanmar to take back the Rohingyas. Some efforts started brewing in the initial days and they petered out soon. A temporary food aid reduction by a third beginning in March 2023 is reported to have resulted in an observable decrease in food consumption, an increase in malnutrition and gender-based violence and a reduction in children’s attendance to learning centres. Food assistance is reported to have made up about 70 per cent of the household food expenditure in the camps that time.
The reduction in food aid this time, if it could not be attended to early, could have a telling impact on the Rohingyas. The world community should, therefore, make up for the UN food aid cut as the Rohingya crisis is what world leaders have also failed to address.
07 March, 2025, 00:00
THE United Nations’ sudden and drastic reduction in monthly food aid, by 52 per cent, could be devastating for more than a million of the Rohingyas now sheltered in Bangladesh. The World Food Programme on March 5 announced that it would reduce its allocation for food for the Rohingyas in Bangladesh from $12.5 to $6 per person beginning on April 1 and cited a fund shortage as the reason for the decision. The UN office is reported to have verbally conveyed the decision to the Bangladesh government the day before. The UN move would very well result in a huge blow to not only the sustenance but also the health and safety of the largest refugee settlement in the world. The number of the Rohingyas staying in Bangladesh exceeds 1.3 million, with the large-scale influx having taken place since August 2017 against the backdrop of violence against the Rohingyas, which the United Nations that time likened to ‘a textbook example of ethnic cleansing.’ The Rohingya population is also reported to be increasing by 30,000 new births on an average every year. Official data say that 1,005,520 of the Rohingya people in Bangladesh are registered.
Khalilur Rahman, who was appointed the high representative to the chief adviser on Rohingya crisis and priority affairs on November 19, 2024, seeks to say that the government is working with donors, who are working among themselves, to find a way out of this situation, hoping for an early positive outcome. The ministry of foreign affairs also says that the interim government is keeping up efforts to repatriate the Rohingyas to their homeland Myanmar. But nothing tangible has been forthcoming on this front. The failure in the repatriation of the Rohingyas is blamed on Myanmar’s military regime, which has created a fearful situation and deflected any bilateral or multilateral efforts for a sustainable repatriation of the Rohingyas, and the world community, including the United Nations, which has failed to impress on Myanmar to take back the Rohingyas. Some efforts started brewing in the initial days and they petered out soon. A temporary food aid reduction by a third beginning in March 2023 is reported to have resulted in an observable decrease in food consumption, an increase in malnutrition and gender-based violence and a reduction in children’s attendance to learning centres. Food assistance is reported to have made up about 70 per cent of the household food expenditure in the camps that time.
The reduction in food aid this time, if it could not be attended to early, could have a telling impact on the Rohingyas. The world community should, therefore, make up for the UN food aid cut as the Rohingya crisis is what world leaders have also failed to address.
Saif
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Rohingya refugees pushed to the brink of starvation
WFP’s food aid cuts may lead to a humanitarian disaster
Rohingya refugees pushed to the brink of starvation
WFP’s food aid cuts may lead to a humanitarian disaster
VISUAL: STAR
The World Food Programme (WFP)'s decision to cut monthly food aid for Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh from $12.50 to just $6 per person will have devastating consequences. Relief workers have long argued that even the $12.50 allocation is insufficient. A previous round of cuts in 2023, reducing food rations to $8 per month, led to a sharp rise in hunger and malnutrition, according to the UN. Within months, 90 percent of the camp population was "struggling to access an adequate diet," and 15 percent of children suffered from malnutrition—the highest recorded rate. As a result, the cut was later reversed.
Despite this reversal, relief officials maintain that the current meagre allocation is still inadequate for maintaining a nutritious diet. The WFP itself acknowledges that reducing rations below $6 now would "fall below the minimum survival level and fail to meet basic dietary needs." In other words, the new $6 allocation represents the absolute bare minimum required for survival. How can the international community expect the Rohingya people to subsist on "the bare minimum" indefinitely?
With more than 1.1 million Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh entirely dependent on humanitarian aid, this drastic cut will put immense strain on families already struggling to meet basic needs. It will likely escalate tensions within the camps, potentially leading to increased violence, crime, and drug trafficking. As desperation grows, more Rohingyas may attempt to break out of the camps, increasing the risk of confrontations with locals. Clearly, this situation poses serious challenges for Bangladesh.
With more than 1.1 million Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh entirely dependent on humanitarian aid, this drastic cut will put immense strain on families already struggling to meet basic needs. It will likely escalate tensions within the camps, potentially leading to increased violence, crime, and drug trafficking. As desperation grows, more Rohingyas may attempt to break out of the camps, increasing the risk of confrontations with locals. Clearly, this situation poses serious challenges for Bangladesh.
It remains unclear whether the WFP's decision was influenced by the Trump administration's termination of USAID funding worldwide, but such suspicions have been raised. When the decision was initially announced in January, emergency food aid was reportedly supposed to remain unaffected. It is therefore even more alarming that the UN has now opted to cut food rations for the Rohingya population.
Given the circumstances, the government must urgently develop a contingency plan. The reduction in rations will not only harm the Rohingya population but also risk fuelling unrest in the camps, which could spill over and impact local communities. These outcomes must be prevented at all costs. Therefore, the government should immediately engage the international community to secure funding commitments. The global community has a moral obligation to ensure that Rohingya refugees receive at least the minimum necessary to live a decent life and to support Bangladesh, which, despite its own challenges, has done everything possible to assist them.
WFP’s food aid cuts may lead to a humanitarian disaster
VISUAL: STAR
The World Food Programme (WFP)'s decision to cut monthly food aid for Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh from $12.50 to just $6 per person will have devastating consequences. Relief workers have long argued that even the $12.50 allocation is insufficient. A previous round of cuts in 2023, reducing food rations to $8 per month, led to a sharp rise in hunger and malnutrition, according to the UN. Within months, 90 percent of the camp population was "struggling to access an adequate diet," and 15 percent of children suffered from malnutrition—the highest recorded rate. As a result, the cut was later reversed.
Despite this reversal, relief officials maintain that the current meagre allocation is still inadequate for maintaining a nutritious diet. The WFP itself acknowledges that reducing rations below $6 now would "fall below the minimum survival level and fail to meet basic dietary needs." In other words, the new $6 allocation represents the absolute bare minimum required for survival. How can the international community expect the Rohingya people to subsist on "the bare minimum" indefinitely?
With more than 1.1 million Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh entirely dependent on humanitarian aid, this drastic cut will put immense strain on families already struggling to meet basic needs. It will likely escalate tensions within the camps, potentially leading to increased violence, crime, and drug trafficking. As desperation grows, more Rohingyas may attempt to break out of the camps, increasing the risk of confrontations with locals. Clearly, this situation poses serious challenges for Bangladesh.
With more than 1.1 million Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh entirely dependent on humanitarian aid, this drastic cut will put immense strain on families already struggling to meet basic needs. It will likely escalate tensions within the camps, potentially leading to increased violence, crime, and drug trafficking. As desperation grows, more Rohingyas may attempt to break out of the camps, increasing the risk of confrontations with locals. Clearly, this situation poses serious challenges for Bangladesh.
It remains unclear whether the WFP's decision was influenced by the Trump administration's termination of USAID funding worldwide, but such suspicions have been raised. When the decision was initially announced in January, emergency food aid was reportedly supposed to remain unaffected. It is therefore even more alarming that the UN has now opted to cut food rations for the Rohingya population.
Given the circumstances, the government must urgently develop a contingency plan. The reduction in rations will not only harm the Rohingya population but also risk fuelling unrest in the camps, which could spill over and impact local communities. These outcomes must be prevented at all costs. Therefore, the government should immediately engage the international community to secure funding commitments. The global community has a moral obligation to ensure that Rohingya refugees receive at least the minimum necessary to live a decent life and to support Bangladesh, which, despite its own challenges, has done everything possible to assist them.
Saif
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Myanmar’s Civil War: Security Implications for Bangladesh – South Asian Voices
The takeover of western Myanmar by Ethnic Armed Organizations is changing the geopolitical and security landscape for Bangladesh.
southasianvoices.org
Myanmar’s Civil War: Security Implications for Bangladesh
Written by Khandakar Tahmid Rejwan
June 26, 2024
The success of the renewed offensive by anti-junta forces throughout Myanmar in recent months poses critical policy questions for Bangladesh.
While the failing junta government, led by the State Administration Council (SAC), now controls less than 50 percent of the country, one of the most significant rebel gains has been concentrated in western Myanmar. This geographical area mainly comprises Chin and Rakhine State, bordering Bangladesh’s restive southeastern Bandarban and Cox’s Bazar districts. The former is seeing the rise of a new ethnic insurgency led by the Kuki Chin National Front (KNF), while the latter houses 33 major Rohingya refugee camps that have recently seen the mushrooming of armed groups. Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) like the Arakan Army (AA) and Chin National Army (CNA) asserting their control on western Myanmar has significant security and geopolitical implications for southeastern Bangladesh. In response, Dhaka should take prudent measures to address this fallout based on ground realities. This includes establishing contact with the EAOs, collaborating with regional partners to arrange this dialogue, and bolstering its security measures in the Rohingya camps and near the border.
Spillover Effects of Western Myanmar’s Crisis on Bangladesh
Major offensives in western Myanmar led by AA and CNA have engulfed most of the region’s townships, including strategic areas bordering Bangladesh and India. Both AA and CNA are cooperating in order to eliminate the junta and achieve total control of western Myanmar. These EAOs have had several operational successes, such as AA’s capture of about 170 junta military posts in Rakhine and CNA’s control of 70 percent of Chin State, including five major military bases.
This overt change of authority from the junta to EAOs in just one year has a direct impact on Bangladesh. The significant influence of the KNF in Myanmar through its alliance with the CNA has resulted in an uptick of insurgent activity in Bangladesh’s Bandarban district. Dhaka is now facing a new geopolitical environment on its border, which requires dealing with new actors with which it has no communication, let alone any direct relations.
Dhaka is now facing a new geopolitical environment on its border, which requires dealing with new actors with which it has no communication, let alone any direct relations.
Historically, southeastern Bangladesh, which consists mainly of the Chittagong Division, has been a sensitive and volatile zone with regard to the country’s security and stability. The long-fought insurgency in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) ended in 1997 with historic peace accords, but the roots of the insurgency still remain. This is apparent from the recent clashes between the Joint Forces of Bangladesh and the ethno-nationalist KNF.
The KNF has significant cultural and social ties with the ethnic Kuki-Chin people prevailing in Mizoram of India and the Chin state of Myanmar. In the last three months alone, members of the Bangladesh Army have been the targets of direct attacks from the KNF, including violent robberies in Bandarban and attacks on police stations. Ground reports reveal that KNF fighters have received additional training from EAOs in Myanmar. Furthermore, many fighters in Chin and Rakhine-based EAOs are ethnic Kuki-Chin people. Therefore, there is cross-border ethnic solidarity, asylum facilities, and training inside the Chin State and Rakhine if they face any disadvantage inside Bangladesh.
The anti-junta offensive may also have considerable impact on the one million Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh’s Cox’s Bazar, a region which directly borders Myanmar. Due to geographical proximity to ethnic violence and their prolonged deprivation in camps, some Rohingyas have been turned violent by various armed factions and groups in the region. There are reportedly 11 armed Rohingya groups operating inside the camps, the most prominent being the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) and Rohingya Solidarity Organizations (RSO). Thus, the EAOs’ heightened control of western Myanmar may result in KNF insurgents using the volatile border to smuggle arms or receive training and clandestine safety from EAOs. Consequently, armed groups inside Rohingya camps could collude with EAOs on human trafficking, forceful recruitment, and narcotics routing.
Moreover, armed Rohingya groups have varied relationships with actors in the current civil war in Myanmar, which could create further destabilizing effects. The relationship of the Rohingyas to the AA is as hostile as with the junta. The SAC’s recent drive to recruit Rohingyas can bolster this animosity. On the other hand, armed groups inside Rohingya camps can establish a haven in Rakhine State due to the collapse of adequate border security. A prolonged refugee crisis, a slow-paced repatriation process, and rising violence inside camps, combined with a volatile border, unpredictable EAO relationships, and diverse interests, could create a breeding ground for new conflict and violence.
Dhaka Must Respond
Bangladesh has yet to take any significant measures to address these developments. This is because Dhaka has always focused on staying neutral on the internal affairs of any state based on its dovish foreign policy stance and nonintervention principles. It seems to be trying to decode the motives of these EAOs, which is further complicated by Chinese and Indian efforts to influence these groups for their geopolitical interests.
First, policymakers should recognize that the SAC is no longer a viable authority in western Myanmar. Thus, Dhaka would have to disregard its traditional skepticism and distrust of non-state actors and establish channels of communications with EAOs across the border, not least to curb the tense security situation on its border through diplomacy. This is particularly important for the prolonged and protracted Rohingya refugee crisis. Several efforts to voluntarily repatriate the refugees back to Rakhine have faced blowback. Most recently, a China-brokered scheme was rejected by the Rohingyas for not ensuring security and providing rehabilitation guarantees. To find a sustainable negotiation on refugee repatriation, Dhaka should focus on developing confidence building measures with the EAOs. This can be a win-win situation for AA and Dhaka as it will informally acknowledge AA’s authority in Rakhine while also benefiting the latter if it leads to formal repatriation of Rohingya refugees. The Bangladeshi government should also initiate a security dialogue with AA and CNA to find a solution to the cross-border movement of armed groups and cooperation with the KNF.
Dhaka would have to disregard its traditional skepticism and distrust of non-state actors and establish channels of communications with EAOs across the border, not least to curb the tense security situation on its border through diplomacy.
To support its efforts, Bangladesh should look for viable diplomatic partners for cooperation on these issues. India, recognizing the shift in power to EAOs, seems to be doing outreach to the AA to secure its interests. Dhaka could take a leaf out of New Delhi’s book and do the same, or even seek New Delhi’s help in facilitating this contact. Bangladesh could also initiate a dialogue with India to share assessments of and coordinate actions to deal with the instability in Myanmar, given that cooperation with China is unlikely due to its strong relationship with SAC. Finally, Dhaka must bolster border security, protection, and surveillance measures to prevent spillover of violence and instability into Bangladesh. Recent fighting between AA and SAC near Saint Martins in Bangladesh justifies the necessity of more robust security measures. Both tough and soft approaches, including regular checks on arms smuggling, capturing of gang leaders, and community recreational activities for refugees, should be undertaken by the Bangladeshi government, to ensure both a short and a long-term solution to this multi-pronged crisis.
Written by Khandakar Tahmid Rejwan
June 26, 2024
The success of the renewed offensive by anti-junta forces throughout Myanmar in recent months poses critical policy questions for Bangladesh.
While the failing junta government, led by the State Administration Council (SAC), now controls less than 50 percent of the country, one of the most significant rebel gains has been concentrated in western Myanmar. This geographical area mainly comprises Chin and Rakhine State, bordering Bangladesh’s restive southeastern Bandarban and Cox’s Bazar districts. The former is seeing the rise of a new ethnic insurgency led by the Kuki Chin National Front (KNF), while the latter houses 33 major Rohingya refugee camps that have recently seen the mushrooming of armed groups. Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) like the Arakan Army (AA) and Chin National Army (CNA) asserting their control on western Myanmar has significant security and geopolitical implications for southeastern Bangladesh. In response, Dhaka should take prudent measures to address this fallout based on ground realities. This includes establishing contact with the EAOs, collaborating with regional partners to arrange this dialogue, and bolstering its security measures in the Rohingya camps and near the border.
Spillover Effects of Western Myanmar’s Crisis on Bangladesh
Major offensives in western Myanmar led by AA and CNA have engulfed most of the region’s townships, including strategic areas bordering Bangladesh and India. Both AA and CNA are cooperating in order to eliminate the junta and achieve total control of western Myanmar. These EAOs have had several operational successes, such as AA’s capture of about 170 junta military posts in Rakhine and CNA’s control of 70 percent of Chin State, including five major military bases.
This overt change of authority from the junta to EAOs in just one year has a direct impact on Bangladesh. The significant influence of the KNF in Myanmar through its alliance with the CNA has resulted in an uptick of insurgent activity in Bangladesh’s Bandarban district. Dhaka is now facing a new geopolitical environment on its border, which requires dealing with new actors with which it has no communication, let alone any direct relations.
Dhaka is now facing a new geopolitical environment on its border, which requires dealing with new actors with which it has no communication, let alone any direct relations.
Historically, southeastern Bangladesh, which consists mainly of the Chittagong Division, has been a sensitive and volatile zone with regard to the country’s security and stability. The long-fought insurgency in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) ended in 1997 with historic peace accords, but the roots of the insurgency still remain. This is apparent from the recent clashes between the Joint Forces of Bangladesh and the ethno-nationalist KNF.
The KNF has significant cultural and social ties with the ethnic Kuki-Chin people prevailing in Mizoram of India and the Chin state of Myanmar. In the last three months alone, members of the Bangladesh Army have been the targets of direct attacks from the KNF, including violent robberies in Bandarban and attacks on police stations. Ground reports reveal that KNF fighters have received additional training from EAOs in Myanmar. Furthermore, many fighters in Chin and Rakhine-based EAOs are ethnic Kuki-Chin people. Therefore, there is cross-border ethnic solidarity, asylum facilities, and training inside the Chin State and Rakhine if they face any disadvantage inside Bangladesh.
The anti-junta offensive may also have considerable impact on the one million Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh’s Cox’s Bazar, a region which directly borders Myanmar. Due to geographical proximity to ethnic violence and their prolonged deprivation in camps, some Rohingyas have been turned violent by various armed factions and groups in the region. There are reportedly 11 armed Rohingya groups operating inside the camps, the most prominent being the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) and Rohingya Solidarity Organizations (RSO). Thus, the EAOs’ heightened control of western Myanmar may result in KNF insurgents using the volatile border to smuggle arms or receive training and clandestine safety from EAOs. Consequently, armed groups inside Rohingya camps could collude with EAOs on human trafficking, forceful recruitment, and narcotics routing.
Moreover, armed Rohingya groups have varied relationships with actors in the current civil war in Myanmar, which could create further destabilizing effects. The relationship of the Rohingyas to the AA is as hostile as with the junta. The SAC’s recent drive to recruit Rohingyas can bolster this animosity. On the other hand, armed groups inside Rohingya camps can establish a haven in Rakhine State due to the collapse of adequate border security. A prolonged refugee crisis, a slow-paced repatriation process, and rising violence inside camps, combined with a volatile border, unpredictable EAO relationships, and diverse interests, could create a breeding ground for new conflict and violence.
Dhaka Must Respond
Bangladesh has yet to take any significant measures to address these developments. This is because Dhaka has always focused on staying neutral on the internal affairs of any state based on its dovish foreign policy stance and nonintervention principles. It seems to be trying to decode the motives of these EAOs, which is further complicated by Chinese and Indian efforts to influence these groups for their geopolitical interests.
First, policymakers should recognize that the SAC is no longer a viable authority in western Myanmar. Thus, Dhaka would have to disregard its traditional skepticism and distrust of non-state actors and establish channels of communications with EAOs across the border, not least to curb the tense security situation on its border through diplomacy. This is particularly important for the prolonged and protracted Rohingya refugee crisis. Several efforts to voluntarily repatriate the refugees back to Rakhine have faced blowback. Most recently, a China-brokered scheme was rejected by the Rohingyas for not ensuring security and providing rehabilitation guarantees. To find a sustainable negotiation on refugee repatriation, Dhaka should focus on developing confidence building measures with the EAOs. This can be a win-win situation for AA and Dhaka as it will informally acknowledge AA’s authority in Rakhine while also benefiting the latter if it leads to formal repatriation of Rohingya refugees. The Bangladeshi government should also initiate a security dialogue with AA and CNA to find a solution to the cross-border movement of armed groups and cooperation with the KNF.
Dhaka would have to disregard its traditional skepticism and distrust of non-state actors and establish channels of communications with EAOs across the border, not least to curb the tense security situation on its border through diplomacy.
To support its efforts, Bangladesh should look for viable diplomatic partners for cooperation on these issues. India, recognizing the shift in power to EAOs, seems to be doing outreach to the AA to secure its interests. Dhaka could take a leaf out of New Delhi’s book and do the same, or even seek New Delhi’s help in facilitating this contact. Bangladesh could also initiate a dialogue with India to share assessments of and coordinate actions to deal with the instability in Myanmar, given that cooperation with China is unlikely due to its strong relationship with SAC. Finally, Dhaka must bolster border security, protection, and surveillance measures to prevent spillover of violence and instability into Bangladesh. Recent fighting between AA and SAC near Saint Martins in Bangladesh justifies the necessity of more robust security measures. Both tough and soft approaches, including regular checks on arms smuggling, capturing of gang leaders, and community recreational activities for refugees, should be undertaken by the Bangladeshi government, to ensure both a short and a long-term solution to this multi-pronged crisis.
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A Civil War in Myanmar, a Regional Threat to South Asia
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